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Stauffer's view of Eritrea

July 20, 2017, 12:00 am
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Hans-Ulrich Stauffer traveled to Eritrea several times for his current book. (Photo Credit: Kostas Maros)



This Interview was translated from German using online software

Switzerland offers shelter to thousands of Eritreans - is Eritrea the "African North Korea", as claimed by the media? No, says Hans-Ulrich Stauffer. The expert on Africa about the policies of the Eritrean government, the motives of refugees and the lack of commitment in the Federal Republic.

By Philipp Löpfe | Migrosmagazin

Hans-Ulrich Stauffer, your latest book is about Eritrea. How did you discover the country?

In 1973 an indescribable famine prevailed in the Horn of Africa, revealing the questionable nature of the regime of Emperor Haile Selassie. At that time I came into contact with the Eritrean liberation movement "Eritrean People's Liberation Front".

Why did the liberation struggle in Eritrea move so many people here?

Eritrea was an Italian colony, then under British military rule, then came the forced fusion with Ethiopia and finally the liberation struggle. Ethiopia was initially supported by the USA, then by the Soviet Union, but Eritrea was always on its own. The lonely liberation struggle against Ethiopia - at that time the African state with the strongest army - has led to a nimbus that continues to this day. Over the years, a reduit idea has been established, combined with an avant-garde of the leading people-

Today, Eritrea is sometimes referred to as the "North Korea of Africa".

This comparison is nonsense. Clearly, Eritrea is not a democracy. In the course of the decade-long struggle for liberation, a strong leadership wrought the country's authoritarian rule. But Eritrea has access to information from all over the world at any time. On numerous houses there are TV dishes, and the smartphone is ubiquitous. The people of Eritrea know very well what is going on in the world

Eritrea wants to be independent of foreign countries - as Mao once called for China?

This idea was and is still today in the minds of the Eritrean liberation front and today's government division. The Eritrean leadership is convinced that she knows best what is good for her country; It does not want to be dictated by any foreign experts what it has to do. This does not make them very attractive among the international organizations, especially since Eritrea also closes up to global trade. There is not a single Chinese shop in Eritrea.

The rest of Africa is different.

This is the reason why in most parts of Africa the small trade has gone before the dogs. Seen in this way, the stubbornness of the Eritrean leadership also has positive sides.

In many African countries, a small corrupt elite is in power. Also in Eritrea?

I have often been there, and as far as I can judge, there is scarcely any gap between rich and poor. This does not mean that the members of the government have no privileges. But a private enrichment does not take place - there is no corruption.

And also no tribal and religious wars?

One half of the Eritreans consists of Christians, the other of Muslims. They have long been an unstable balance. For the government, it is important that this balance be maintained. Thus, neither missionaries of American Freikirchen nor Saudi Arabia-sponsored imams are welcome.

They write in your book that Eritrea rely on a biological agriculture.

This is less intention than necessity. For fertilizers and pesticides is simply missing the money. But food security is a top priority. For this reason, over the past 20 years, about 1,000 dams have been built to ensure the supply of water. Agriculture, by the way, is not nationalized, but in the hands of private farmers.

In your description, Eritrea is almost a model country. Why do thousands of young people flee every year?

A shoemaker told one of my friends, a colleague had written to him that he lived in Switzerland for three nights in a three-room apartment and received 900 francs a month. For an Eritreer this sounds paradise, especially since he can not estimate how high the life costs in Switzerland are.

Andreas Glarner of the SVP sees this no different. Are we curling the Eritreans to Switzerland?

We are taking a decision from the Asylum Recursion Commission in 2005. He says that everyone who descends is also politically persecuted. This has quickly spread to Eritrea. There are also human rights violations and freedom of expression is limited. But there is also the human right to food, education, health - and in this respect Eritrea has done amazing things. Eritrea is among the best in Africa as far as the growth targets defined by the Uno are concerned. Child mortality and maternal mortality at birth have also fallen massively. Malaria and HIV rates are low, the economy is growing at an annual rate of eight percent.

Nevertheless, many young men pay about 8,000 dollars to tug organizations and risk their lives to be able to flee to Switzerland.

There are far too few jobs in Eritrea for young people, at least in the cities. Added to this is the National Service ...

... a kind of recruit school, which can last for years and with uncertain outcome.

That is not right. The military service is merely an operational area of the National Service. There are also very many civilian activities, for example service at the reception of a hotel or in a hospital. It is also no compulsory labor; You get a modest wage. The problem is that the duration of the national service is not clearly limited. But, let us remember, Ethiopia still holds a part of Eritrea, despite the international court's arbitration, and refuses to recognize the frontier. Tens of thousands of Eritreans are in military service because of this Neither war nor peace.

Why does the government not put that on the line?

Because she does not know what to do with all the people when they are not in the national service. There is simply no job for them. Therefore, one should consider how to create jobs in Eritrea. This would also be the right approach for Switzerland.

Most of them receive social assistance in Switzerland.

There are actually over 80 percent, and that is a horror. But I do not feel called to make a sound assessment here. But I can imagine that Switzerland is only a stopover for many Eritreans. Actually, they want to go to the UK or to the USA, because most of them speak English. In Switzerland, they find completely unfamiliar living conditions and are often mentally blocked.

As you describe it, there is no good reason to grant Eritreans asylum.

I can not stand this way in general. There are certainly Eritreans who have suffered under the regime. But I am convinced that it is not true for many.

There are, however, two Uno reports that speak of serious human rights violations.

There are also contradictory reports, such as the opinion of the Western European ambassador resident in Asmara, the capital of Eritrea, and the EU representative. The Eritrea image is changing, also in Switzerland. Today, the refusal of the National Service is no longer an asylum, and a persecution must also be demonstrated. I think this is justifiable.

The Federal Council is under pressure in the refugee issue. Why is he not acting in the case of the Eritreans?

The official Switzerland has been eradicated at Eritrea. Sommaruga, the President of the Council, has once declared that we are not discussing a dictatorship. At the same time she traveled to Ethiopia. That was awkward. Now it's about getting out of this dead end again.

How is this to happen? Eritrea still refuses to take away rejected asylum seekers.

We should have a pause in development policy work. This is difficult, because the Eritreans are stubborn. The Eritrean side must also make concessions and allow more scope.

How can this be achieved?

You can not enter fixed programs. The US, for example, demanded the privatization of all state enterprises. This does not work at all. It can only be done with a dialogue on the same level. At first, however, we must relax the relationship. It would be helpful if a high-ranking Swiss delegation took the trouble to travel to Eritrea. The best thing would be a member of the Federal Council.

Where do you see concrete opportunities for development aid?

In vocational training. Our dual education system is also attracting interest in Africa.

So would you have to send Simonetta Sommaruga with Rudolf Strahm, the specialist for dual vocational training, on the journey?

That would be ideal. Eritrea wants an education system based on the Swiss model. The EU has now approved a development program worth 200 million euros for Eritrea. The focus here is on the development of solar energy in rural areas, for example to drive water pumps. It needs people who assemble and maintain these systems. Switzerland could make a contribution here.

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Lawyer and Eritrea expert

Hans-Ulrich Stauffer (66) is an attorney-at-law, lecturer at the University of Basel and has been Honorary Consul of the Republic of Cape Verde for 27 years. He has been involved in development processes in Africa for more than four decades. In recent years, he has traveled extensively to Eritrea. His book "Eritrea - the second look" has been published by Rotpunktverlag. Stauffer lives with his partner and has two adult daughters.

"Eritrea - der zweite Blick" [Eritrea - The second glance], Rotpunktverlag 2017, available at ex libris
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The Crisis of Leadership and Legitimacy within Ethiopia’s TPLF Minority Regime

July 20, 2017, 12:02 am
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Ethiopia, a nation of 90 million people, is brutally being ruled by three TPLF oligarchs: Debretsion Gebremichael (left), Abay Woldu (right) and Abay Teshaye.




Ever since the death of the late TPLF chairman and Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has lacked a similarly dominant personality able to maintain consensus, either thru charisma, intrigue, or both. This condition has given rise within the TPLF to internal divisions and animosities. Abay Woldu, the current president of the regional state of Tigray, holds the chairmanship of the party. But he does not wield the power, nor command the respect, the late Meles held. This leadership vacuum has led to an intense, internal power struggle within the TPLF. Stories from multiple and credible sources abound to this effect.

The worst schism to emerge is between the domestic and military intelligence agencies. Fissures also have opened between the ruling party, security agencies, the military and the bureaucracy. Open and confidential sources indicate that friction within and between state organs, involving the regime’s most important personalities, has created an unprecedented crisis.

Torn between party loyalty and popular anti-government sentiment, important partners within the ruling coalition, such as the Oromo People’s Democracy Organization (OPDO), the Oromo wing of the ruling EPRDF, have begun to assert their independence from the once-omnipotent TPLF faction. The result has been the purging of thousands of mid- and low-level OPDO officials in an attempt to maintain party cohesion in the face of popular anti-government protests engulfing the Oromo region. However, sources report that new recruits and appointees meant to replace those purged are also quietly resigning. Open defiance of the regime and the so-called “Command Post” administering martial law has become widespread throughout Oromia and is openly expressed in social gatherings and in public.

While OPDO has been under organizational stress since the recent resurgence of Oromo protests, Abadula Gemeda, the speaker of parliament and former president of the Oromo region, has stepped into the breach. Abadula is a close associate of Gen. Samora Yunus, the military chief of staff, who has been calling the shots since the implementation of martial law. Samora’s position as head of the notorious Command Post is reportedly a cause of resentment within the military’s upper echelons, including his longtime rival, Lt. General Saere Mekonnen, until recently Commander of the Northern Front and currently Head of Training Main Department of the Ministry of Defense.

A Samora loyalist, Lt. General Abraha Wodlemariam, a.k.a Quarter, the notorious war criminal responsible for the massacre of thousands of civilians in the ongoing counter insurgency in the Ogadan region while in his capacity as a commander of the Eastern Front and in concert with another butcher, the President of the Ogaden region, has been appointed to a new position of Chief of Operations of Defense. This is yet another clear indication that Lt. General Seare is, once again, sidelined, and Samora’s grip and consolidation of power over the military is becoming more than clear. It has been reported that Security Chief Getachew Assefa, Abay Tesehay, Sibehat Nega, and others, including former Airforce Commander, Maj. General Aebebe Tekelehamina, aka Jobe, have been actively working behind the scenes to have Lt. Genera Seare Mekonnen replace Samora as Chief of staff of the Defense forces of the TPLF dominated military and state.

As well known, the former commander of the Airforce, Gen. Abebe, like his close friend Tasdakn Gebre Tesnay, former Chief of Staff, has made his deep frustrations public at the state of affairs in Ethiopia under the current regime. In a series of articles published by the Amharic weekly, the Reporter, in the past year, the retired General has called the current situation in Ethiopia one that is endangering the security and survival of Ethiopia , and therefore, as the most potent threat, not only to the regime, but also to the multiethnic national fabric. In his latest article, retired Maj. Gen. Abebe recounts pervasive corruption, including at the highest levels of government, absence of good governance, lack of a democratic space, human rights abuse, and the inability of the regime to respond to popular demands, lack of political will and proper mechanisms in place to make the necessary changes.

These salient features all the more discussed as factors that would somehow converge to destabilize Ethiopia and pose the most serious security threat to Ethiopia. The former General has indeed the courage to ring the alarm bells to the otherwise deaf ears of the regime and its leaders who are in disarray. Although, one may argue that the general is off the mark as regard to the correct prognosis, which cannot be other than a transitional process towards a genuine democratic order for the country that involves all stakeholders and political forces.

The other key leaders of OPDO are Lemma Megersa, Beker Shale (until recently) and Abiye Mohammed, the former minister of science and technology, who maintains a low public profile. While close to chief of staff Samora, this coterie of OPDO’s bosses are, like their patron, Abadula, at odds with Getachew Assefa, the chief of security. Getachew, in turn, is reported to have the backing of Abay Tsehay, and Sibehat Nega, both TPLF heavyweights still wielding perhaps the greatest influence within the TPLF in the wake of the Oromo protest that rocked the region in the past eighteen months. Lemma Megersa, a onetime security official, has a firm allegiance to Abadula, who was instrumental in his rise to power as president of the Oromo region. Unlike the rocky relationships most OPDO leaders now have with those of the security services. Lemma is known to report regularly to Abdadula about communications he still maintains with security chief Getachew.

Haile Mariam Desgalegn has turned out to be a lame duck Prime Minister and a pawn in the never-ending power struggles of the TPLF power brokers. He is said to be close to General Samora’s group. One recent clue to this is his recent rebuff of a report released by Aba Tsehaye, a close supporter and ally of Getachew Assefa, concerning the incompetence permeating the executive branch’s cabinet and state ministers.

These ministers were appointed by Haile Mariam, the prime minster during the state of emergency as part of an “in-depth renewal” promising good governance, less corruption and responsiveness to popular demands for change. But neither this much-vaunted Tilk Tehadiso, nor the change of cabinet and state ministers, has delivered or appeased public anger in the wake of the Oromo and Amhara protests. The Ethiopian people have largely perceived the Tilk Tehadeso as yet another of the regime’s gimmicks to cover up and reverse the growing illegitimacy, crisis of confidence and near-total rejection by the Ethiopian people that have plagued it in the past eighteen months and were expressed by the massive protests in the Oromo and Amhara regions.

Leadership of the regime’s Amhara coalition partner, ANDM, has also been at odds with its TPLF partner to a point of approaching open confrontation. Like the OPDO, ANDM’s ranks are rife with resentment and discontent over TPLF domination and the heavy repression that followed protests around Gondar and Gojam in the Amhara region.

The TPLF-controlled military is also suffering from low morale. Desertions and defections, especially by the Amhara and Oromo soldiers whose ethnic groups comprise most of the lower ranks, have sharply increased in the rebellious areas. The defection of entire platoons and companies has occurred on several occasions. Anxiety and confusion over such developments now afflicts nearly all military forces at all levels, including the Agazi Division, a special unit used for repression that’s widely despised since its massacre of hundreds of unarmed protesters in the aftermath of the stolen 2005 election. This trend has worsened since the most recent Oromo and Amhara protests. Recruitment quotas are unmet, chronically so in the Amhara, Oromo and, to a lesser extent, other regions. ESAT and other media outlets have recently covered the severity of this problem confronting the regime.

Another trouble that has been a chronic headache for the TPLF military and security top brass has been the emerging armed popular resistance in Northern part of Ethiopia. The military leadership had held several secret meetings on how to control the situation in Northern Ethiopia, including a discussion without reaching an agreement, about the possibility of invading Eritrea and thereby wiping out the armed resistance groups based there. This option has been objected by elements of the military and security who understand the extremely low state morale in the army, the chronic defection and desertions plaguing it, as well as with their bitter memory of the military’s tragic loss at the battle of Tsoerna in June of 2016 which the TPLF commanders ill-advisedly launched against Eritreans, resulting in total carnage , hundreds of the Ethiopian armed forces killed and several hundred others lightly and heavy wounded, crowding Mekele Hospital and other medical facilities in Tigray. One consideration related to this view on the part of those who oppose military measures against Eritrea has to do with the very fear harbored by TPLF leaders. They lack confidence because they very well know that the army is dominated by Tigrayan commanders from top to bottom, the army has a very low morale, and top it all they are very much aware that the army is fully aware of the malfeasance and massive corruption of its top brass. Thus, they surmise the armed forces as it is constituted today cannot be relied upon for a full-scale war with the tough and hardened Eritrean defense forces. In addition, the tough and rough terrain that is known to give a high advantage to defending Eritrean forces in an event of an invasion by the TPLF led Ethiopian Armed forces.

Getachew’s National Intelligence and Security Service, known as NISS, is struggling to maintain its status and expand its turf. NISS is increasingly engaged in staving off challenges to its influence from the military intelligence service led by Maj. Gen. Gebre Dilla, a close ally of General Samora Yunus. Defense’s Military intelligence Department is said to be competing for power by overextending its tentacles and fielding agents of its own down to the kebele, or neighborhood, level and into all kinds of organizations, including religious ones, generating apprehension and visible hostility on the part of Getachew and NISS.

Recent leaks about infighting and power struggles within the ruling political elite are due in part to this development. They describe Samora and his own military intelligence chief, Gebre Dilla, using the state of emergency and the command post apparatus as a cover to widen their jurisdiction and infringe on the civilian intelligence services’ authority. This contest has added to the animosities, factionalism, and internal divisions affecting the minority regime.

Underneath these visible manifestations of discord, the demoralization infecting the military has spread to NISS as well. Intelligence sources attribute this to the repeated failure to control emerging political conditions throughout the county—viewed by many observers as a decaying political system cracking at the seams–and inability to understand the new fissures. Adding to this institutional state of anxiety is the budding armed resistance of Patriotic Ginbot 7 forces, now gaining momentum and intensity in their attacks on military, security, and regime administrative targets in several parts of the country, especially in the northern and southern Gondar areas of the Amhara region.

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Trump's Africa policy should end US aid to dictators, rights abusers

July 21, 2017, 12:00 am
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By Alemayehu G. Mariam | TheHill

Earlier this month, President Donald Trump was criticized for letting his “unelected” daughter Ivanka sit in for him during the high-level “Partnership with Africa, Migration and Health” session at the G-20. Ms. Trump was criticized for not making “any major contributions” to the session “during her father’s absence.”

Trump has been accused of ignoring and neglecting Africa. He has been criticized for “having Africa last in his first budget;” and the prophets of doom and gloom predict his “slash-and-burn cuts to the State Department and USAID would deepen the worst humanitarian crises since World War II.” Some have even suggested that aid cutbacks by the Trump administration could drive Africa’s unemployed youth into the hands of terrorists.

Trump has expressed “overall skepticism about the value of foreign aid, and even about American security interests, on the world’s second-largest continent.” And there is in fact substantial evidence that aid “from the rich countries has trapped many African nations in a cycle of corruption, slower economic growth and poverty.”

Additional “evidence” of Trump’s neglect and indifference towards Africa include his “ignorance” of the continent, his selective communication with only a couple of African leaders, his demands for accountability in U.S. Africa policy, the aborted appointment of Rudolph Atallah “best known for his work on East Africa and counterterrorism issues” as National Security Council Africa director, his nonchalance in filling vacancies for assistant secretary and principal deputy assistant secretary for African affairs at the State Department and his general failure to promote human rights in Africa and elsewhere.

The inference to be drawn from all of the criticism is that the Trump administration simply fails “to realize the importance of Africa to U.S. national security interests, and America’s indispensable role in continuing to shape the democratic evolution of the continent,” and is callously turning its back on “more than 20 million people facing starvation and famine” in Africa. The solution, apparently, is for Trump to appoint “moderate and experienced Africa experts” and old hands who perambulate through the revolving door of government, think tanks and consultancies.

Ultimately, the criticisms of Trump on his (lack of) Africa policy are dubious, deceptive and self-serving.

It is ironic that those who are criticizing Trump on Africa today seemed to have taken a vow of silence when Barack Obama befriended and wined and dined the most ruthless African dictators and overlooked their deplorable human rights and corruption records in the name of counter-terrorism cooperation. Few Trump critics today spoke out when Obama shamelessly called the regime in Ethiopia, which claimed to have won 100 percent of the seats in parliament in 2015, “democratically elected.” That regime today rules by a draconian state of emergency decree.

Trump has made his foreign policy position crystal clear. It is “America First.” In April he declared, “It’s time to shake the rust off America’s foreign policy” and “invite new voices and new visions into the fold.” He said he will follow a “foreign policy (that) will always put the interests of the American people and American security above all else.”

In his official “remarks” to State Department employees in May, Secretary Tillerson said, “our overarching strategic approach” will be to determine our allies and partners on a country-by-country and region-by-region basis. He also declared that U.S. foreign policy will be propelled by “our fundamental values: our values around freedom, human dignity, and the way people are treated.”

In Africa, removing the “rust” from U.S. policy means disentanglement from partnership with African dictators because continuing with business as usual with them will not enhance American security; it only creates an untenable moral hazard.

The concept of “moral hazard” signifies a situation in which a government is insulated and immunized from the consequences of its negligent, reckless and incompetent behavior. African regimes heavily dependent on the safety net of American development and humanitarian aid, sustained infusion of multilateral loans will behave differently if they were left to their own devices to deal with the consequences of their mismanagement of their economies, tolerance of crippling corruption, chronic budget and food deficits, mushrooming poverty and unemployment and bad governance and face the wrath and fury of their citizens.

The moral hazard in U.S. policy in Africa comes also from the rewards of increasing amounts of aid and loans to buffer African dictatorships from a tsunami of democratic popular uprisings.

Many African regimes today avoid the demands of good governance, ignore the rule of law and commit gross violations of human rights in the belief that American taxpayer handouts will be there to bail them out. Since the 1960s, American taxpayers have provided over one trillion dollars which have served to sustain failed or failing African regimes.

There is substantial evidence showing that most African leaders are only interested in clinging to power cushioned by the financial support of American and other Western taxpayers. They are not interested in engaging America on what matters most to Americans — democracy, freedom, human rights, the rule of law, accountability, transparency and the like. More democracy and greater respect for human rights necessarily means less famine and starvation and accelerated development because a government that is not able, willing and ready to feed its people or effectively address poverty will be swept out of office by a hungry and angry electorate.

Trump needs to take a fresh start by first taking out the moral hazard in U.S. policy in Africa and by “inviting new voices and visions” on how to wean Africa from aid addiction.

Trump should adopt a policy that facilitates partnership with the African people, not their dictators in the name of counter-terrorism.

Ultimately, American handouts and loans will not save Africa. Only Africans can save themselves.

The best way Trump can help Africa is by ending the insidious culture of competitive panhandling on the continent and ensuring that American national security and tax dollars are not entangled with the toils of African dictatorships.
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Alemayehu (Al) Mariam is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, a constitutional lawyer and senior editor of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies.

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The Necessity for the Implementation of the EEBC decision for the Protection of Human Rights in Eritrea

July 21, 2017, 12:01 am
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Red shows Ethiopia's occupation of Eritrean territory, green shows land Ethiopia originally claimed - (Image credit: Merhawie)


The Necessity for the Implementation of the Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) decision for the Protection of Human Rights in Eritrea


This article sets out to highlight the root and primary cause of “disproportionate migration” from Eritrea; which is often wrongly attributed to “indefinite National Service”. What this rather simplistic narrative ignores is the overarching context; indeed it focuses on the symptom and not the underlying ailment. The Government of Eritrea states that National Service has been prolonged due to continued belligerency and the failure of the international community to enforce Ethiopia’s implementation of the EEBC’s (Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission) decision. As such, this reality requires our priority and attention, if we are to be genuine in our engagement and protection of the human rights of all the Eritrean people. Removing the threat of war will also allow for the indigenous wisdom and nation building aspirations of the Eritrean people to prosper and flourish.

The Refugee

It was the heart breaking image of the young, drowned, three year old Alan Kurdi that brought into our western homes the plight of the refugees fleeing wars and human rights violations. The recent Grenfell disaster added further pain to the migrants. Meanwhile H.E Ambassador Estifanos Habtemariam, the Eritrean ambassador to the UK visited the scene to engage with and provide comfort and support to the bereaved families. And before that the Lampedusa tragedy when many of us first learned about Eritrea. Our distorted press coverage ramped up the flawed news coverage to an incessant crescendo of manipulative narratives. The coverage was deliberately employed to tug on our heart strings at a time when many a Eritreans were grieving their loved ones and our press editors were battling for the most sensationalised of story. Eritrea was and is harshly depicted as a despotic / failed state with some erroneously labelling the country as the “North Korea of Africa”. This hearsay activism is activism without context and understanding of the ground reality, history, culture to instead provide activism which is from a manipulative, prescriptive and distorted lens. It is this second hand subversive activism which must be stopped.

The Predominant Narrative

To date the only narrative that has gained traction in the Western press on Eritrea is that of the NGOs, the politicised actions of the Human Rights Council in its deployment of the Commission of Inquiry, and the Activists. All of whom have never visited Eritrea in the last ten years or more. The distorted narrative pervades, as it is reliant on the stories and the testimonies of the “asylum seekers” and economic migrants who may be tempted to invent stories to obtain refugee status. Our processes require stringent analysis for an objective portrayal of the country to ascertain genuine asylum cases as instead of allegations used to justify systemic violations by the Government of Eritrea. Still, no-one should lose their life in attempts genuine or not to flee or leave their country. In a world of have and have nots our Western life predicated on consumerism is a large pull factor and particularly when sold in billion dollar marketing campaigns and utilised by human traffickers themselves as part of their global racket. In an ideal, just and fair world, practices such as corruption, off shore tax havens, GDP hikes reliant on unsustainable economic growth and at the exhaustion of natural resources and the ensuing and devastating environmental problems predicated on a western economic model which saw the impact of the global credit crisis has created further polarisation as between the ones who have and the ones who do not have or best referred to as the North South divide. So we in the West at the behest of unsustainable modernity do not serve the best example of a viable economic model or template for developing nations.

Sustainable Country Practices

When the Eritrean Government focuses on practices that are geared towards non corruption, ethical governance, collective national identity, sustainability and preservation of its natural resources; when it ensures that foreign companies are not taking advantage of governance gaps then surely it should be lauded even if the measures are perceived as somewhat protectionist and premised on limited capacity. Individuals, corporations, organisation refer or testify to the absence of corruption in Eritrea. A senior Executive from Nevsun Resources Limited in a recent and open public engagement asserted to an incredulous audience that as a mining company operating in Eritrea since the 1990s, they had no known or direct experience or cases of corruption and added that such behaviour would be considered intolerable by the Government of Eritrea and would mean immediate termination of contracts. Further evidence of the collective conscience and fabric of the society was provided in an interview by the UN Resident and Humanitarian Co-ordinator to Eritrea, Christine Umutoni who referred to the “honest, resilient and nation building character, commitment and aspirations of the Eritreans”. And she provided by way of example UN funds totally accounted for in local projects in Eritrea, something she states is not the norm in other African countries.

What is not disseminated is that after Eritrea gained her independence the economy was growing at a rate of 7% annually, unfortunately the unprovoked Ethiopian attack that triggered the Border War in 1998-2000 stunted considerably the economic development of the country. For a fascinating and insightful understanding of Eritrea’s economic journey one should access the National Confederation of Eritrean Workers, Voice of Workers thirty years anniversary, 1979-2009 to understand the history, vision and work ethic of the Eritreans and their collective identity built through their historical opposition of fascism and colonialism.

Genuine Human Rights Protection v Subversive Activism

Therefore what is of concern is that no genuine activism has taken up as priority the root cause of the alleged exodus from Eritrea - that is the international community’s failure to address Ethiopia’s unwillingness to implement the decision of our highly respected International Lawyer and Academic, Sir Elli Lauterpacht, who presided over the Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission. Please refer to my paper on the Algiers Agreement publicly available. Human Rights Activists have funding and mandates and none would have allowed the pursuit of such an inquiry and that is sadly the state of activism today. The funders and press require a certain narrative either for our readership or subversive agendas and so we the public remain ignorant and misinformed.

Any engagement with Eritrea should focus as a priority on the non negotiable implementation of the EEBC and constructive engagement on sustainable nation and capacity building including addressing due process for violations. I respect the voice of the NGOs and Activists when they are genuine, and premised on facts and to provide insight into due process; when they do not emanate from subversive intent or agendas. However I express concern when facts are manipulated and distorted; when they are prompted by desperate attempts at character assassinations to ensure that all other voices are silenced. And further concern in the unethical complicity of our Western Editors and Press that feed uncorroborated, rehashed and sensationalised pieces in order to keep up their readership of their tabloids. It would be best to have no western press at all than a media that is subversive and unethical and cloaked under a democratic system. However there are rare exceptions. Certain journalists including BBC Mary Harper who visited Eritrea in 2016, did provide her experience of the ground reality which she stated was diametrically opposite to the views provided in the distorted western media.

National Service

Activists such as Gaim Kibreab in his book the National Service refer to the national service as being a driver for the youth exodus however he has never engaged on the issue as a primary duty of his activism. The requirement for the Government’s deployment of Eritreans in National Service and specifically for the protection of the border from Ethiopian aggression is a result of the non implementation of the EEBC decision and the “no war no peace” environment. Along with the Reconstruction and Rehabilitation efforts from the thirty year liberation struggle; the impact of the 1998-2000 war with Ethiopia and the unjustified international sanctions, which have had an impact on foreign investment. The key undercurrent and resounding explanation for Eritreans leaving is “the indefinite nature of the national service” albeit there has been a limit to 18 months by the Government of Eritrea. Concern has been to the likelihood of its implementation for the reasons stated and of national security. For a developing nation like Eritrea; with Ethiopia as its neighbour, landlocked and with the USA as Ethiopia’s strategic ally - Eritrea’s self reliance and burgeoning natural resources, two ports and strategic geopolitical location - is a reminder of how vulnerable Eritrea is to subversive attacks usually initiated against such countries by “instrumentalising” human rights to justify violations of a sovereign nation state. The recent and continued incursions by Ethiopia referred to as “skirmishes” at the border are a reminder. Eritrea, unlike its neighbour refuses to adopt the Western trajectory of unsustainable reliance on foreign aid and therefore Eritrea has utilised the largest resource it has, that is its human capital. This capital has been garnered to defend its long border with Ethiopia, for the country’s food security and nation building efforts, which include: the building of dams, sustainable agricultural practices, attaining the lowest HIV prevalence in Africa, attainment of the MDGs and work on the SDGs, reduction in maternity deaths, vaccination for all children and increase in life expectancy from 46 to 66 years, considerable infrastructure development of roads and electricity to villages and an increase in international companies operating in Eritrea, albeit criticised for not being fast enough. These are laudable achievements and for the respect and protection of the human rights of the Eritrean people.

The Allegations of Forced Labour

The National Service is referred to in the COI Report and with respect to allegations of forced labour.

The Forced Labour Convention No.29 provides that states should criminalise and prosecute forced labour abuses and the recent 2014 Forced Labour Protocol provides that effective measures should be taken to prevent forced labour and provide victims with protection and access to remedies including compensation. The Protocol’s main provisions and as referred to by the ILO are Prevention at Article 2 through education, strengthening labour inspection and local laws, protection from abuses during the recruitment process, supporting due diligence by the public and private sectors and addressing the root causes and factors that heighten the risks of forced labour. Further at Articles 3 and 4(2) the effective measures for the identification, release, protection, recovery and rehabilitation of victims. The Forced Labour (Supplementary Measures) Recommendation 2014 (N0.2013) provides non binding practical guidance on prevention, protection of victims and ensuring their access to justice and remedies.

However there are the exceptions to Article 2(2) of the Forced Labour Convention No. 29 that describes several limited exceptions to the “forced labour” definition. According to this provision of the Convention the following five situations do not constitute forced labour:

◾Work exacted under compulsory military service for the necessity of national defence, provided that the work imposed on conscripts is of purely military character.

◾Normal civic obligations of a fully self-governing country, such as compulsory jury service, or the duty to assist a person in danger.

◾Prison labour as a consequence of a conviction in a court of law, provided it is carried out under the supervision and control of a public authority and the convicted persons is not hired to or placed at the disposal of private individuals, companies or associations.

◾Work exacted in cases of emergency, such as war, calamity or threatened calamity (e.g. fire, flood, famine, earthquake) or any circumstance that would endanger the lives

◾Minor communal services performed by the members of a community in the direct interest of that community, provided that the community or its direct representatives are consulted regarding the need for such services.

The Government of Eritrea and the National Confederation of Eritrean Workers (NCEW), categorically refute the allegations of forced labour and invoke the caveats / exemptions provided in the Convention and further request that “the Eritrean socio political situation demand[s] continuous open and genuine engagement especially as the nature of the extended national service is intrinsically linked to the issue of ‘no war no peace’”. However the European Union and members of the Convention on Forced Labour refuse to acknowledge the national security threat of Ethiopia and its failure to accept and implement the decision of the EEBC.

Importantly the NCEW provided a substantive response to the COI and reiterated its zero tolerance to forced labour and through its collaborations with partners to ensure that the Eritrean Labour Proclamation and the ILO provisions on Forced Labour are continued to be complied with. The NCEW further refuted COI’s allegations of forced labour at the Bisha mine as baseless referring to the number of delegations who had visited the mine and witnessed first hand the operations. And COIs reference to no freedom of association was also refuted by the NCEW referring to the Eritrean Labour Proclamation 118/2001 Article 89-93, that instituted the NCEW and base unions and the set up of federations. Specific reference to provisions of due process were cited including, an example, where the courts had granted 149 workers of the Elabered Agroindustrial Estate redress further to their complaint to the NCEW on violation of their worker rights. Recently in July 2017, the NCEW further to discussions with the Bisha mine have created a union branch at the Bisha mine to better represent worker rights. The Bisha mine and as intended by the Government of Eritrea has set a model precedent and template for mining operations in Eritrea. Nevsun Resources Limited instituted a Human Rights Impact Assessment as is now implicitly required by the Protocol to the Forced Labour Convention, which is an example of how the Government of Eritrea intends its natural resources to be exploited, that is, sustainably and responsibly and for the purposes of nation building for the Eritrean people.

The NCEW referred to the COI Report as “..compellingly methodically and substantively a gross misrepresentation of the real conditions in Eritrea. As workers we believe that there is no-one else who knows more about us than ourselves”.

The work of the National Council of Eritrean Workers (NCEW)

The NCEW is a voluntary organisation open to all workers composed of five Federations and 168 base unions with a membership of over 30,000 workers. Social justice is the lynchpin of the NCEWs in its aim of creating a prosperous nation. The NCEW is a member of the OATUU (Organisation of African Trade Union Unity), International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), International Confederation of Arab Trade Unions (ICATU), International Labour Organisation (ILO) and Global Union Federations (GUF) to name but a few. The NCEW has an extraordinary history and were responsible in supporting the 30 year long struggle and today in their literature refer to concern on the “neo-liberal arrangement” and “power capture privilege by the elite businesses” at the expense of the working people and that these are therefore obstacles to the effective actualisation of the Decent Work Agenda, something we in the West are struggling with. The NCEW have worked tirelessly on the MDGs, workers rights and the eradication of poverty. And importantly recognise the responsibility of the protection of the environment and for its preservation for future generations and in a condition favourable to habitation by humans and creatures alike. The NCEW has been campaigning for environmental protection with successful forestation and reforestation programs, construction of terraces and embankments as part of the greening campaign.

Reference is made to the “…Maekel Regional Administration work, initiated in 2010 the reforestation program in which 3100 workers participated and in 13 days constructed 156 kilometres of terraces where 7,800 seedlings of various trees were planted”.

Mr Tekeste Baire, NCEW General Secretary, at the helm has continued to provide a platform for more engagement internationally and as a result the NCEW has successfully implemented training centres such as the one in Massawa, collaborated with the Ministry of Education to ensure that students obtain the necessary technical skills for employment, gender empowerment programs and training, assisting mentally impaired children to be productive citizens, micro credit programs to women in collaboration with SUKE, of Switzerland and EHD of Germany. Further the NCEW has provided comprehensive research on the Eritrean Workers movement, distributed bicycles to address worker transportation issues and importantly facilitated tripartite labour relations as well as pursue international collaborations especially with the International Trade Unions Confederation which paid the NCEW a working visit in 2015 and commended the information that was collated and provided to ITUC to understand the ground reality in Eritrea.

On the 23rd-25th February 2015 in Asmara At the Organisation of African Trade Unions Unity (OATUU) President Afwerki referred to “the roles of workers in Africa had weakened because of the policies of domination which the great powers pursue, and in order to bring about positive changes that benefit the African and the world population, the trade unions and other civic organisations need[ed] to strengthen their organisations..”.

In December 2015, the Minister of Economic Cooperation for Germany H.E Dr Gerd Muller held a Round Table discussion in the NCEW conference hall with 30 youth representatives from non state organisations including the National Service to better understand the ground reality.

Recently at a two day conference in March 2017 the International Trade Union Solidarity Conference was organised in Asmara with support from the UNDP with the theme “International Solidarity Forum - Promoting Decent Work Agenda”. The agenda was to seek greater expression of Trade unions and the protection of human rights and to end forced labour in Africa and to support the resilient spirit of the Eritreans workers. Visits were made by delegations and participants to the Zaer textile factory and the Bisha mine. The NCEW cited its “..aim is to achieve genuine and enduring peace security and progress for the Eritreans and NCEWs commitment to TU, solidarity and internationalism”. The Government of Eritrea supported the NCEW conference with the Minister of Foreign Affairs H.E Mr Osman Saleh, referring to the “growing injustices on workers, peoples and economies” and supported the role that the Trade Unions have in the actualisation of social justice and the defeat of corporate and political oppression. That Eritrea’s focus was on social justice and that this had become difficult since the Border War. Further Mr Yemane Ghebreab, Head of Political Affairs of the PFDJ referred to the importance of “the world’s and African organisations and trade unions ..to strive to emancipate themselves from the servitude of foreign forces, to possess a clean and influential Government that works for the interests of the people and the region, and aspire for the attainment of equitable incomes of workers, sustainable and uninterrupted development and social justice”. Further reference was made to the “fragmentation and disintegration of nations and the break up of the social fabric of societies as witnessed in Iraq, Syria, Libya, Somalia which provided fertile breeding ground for extremists”.

Eritrea is of our time. She stands resilient and defiant. An antithesis to our unsustainable GDPs, outdated cartesian logic and she retains a collective identity which we in the Western world have lost through our individualisation and need to consume. Our support in her flourishing helps assist peace and ensuing prosperity in the region.

Ruby Sandhu. Lawyer, Facilitator and Mediator. ruby@rscollaboration.com.

Ruby has worked on a number of mandates with respect to Eritrea, funded independently, by NGOs, iNGOs and MNCs.

Endnotes:

1. Christine N Umutoni, UN Resident Representative in Eritrea

2. The Algiers Peace Agreement by Ruby Sandhu 

3. Presentation by Mary Harper, BBC Africa Editor @ Birkbeck University https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P7l14fFN9C8

Sources:

◾Meeting Notes with NCEW General Secretary, Tekeste Behre. Asmara 2017.

◾HE Mr Estifanos Habtemariam, Ambassador of the State of Eritrea 26th Independence Day Anniversary Speech May 21st 2017, London.

◾NCEW, Voice of Workers Publication March 2015, March 2017.

◾NCEW, Voice of Workers Publication, Special Edition. March 2016.

◾Resolution from the International Trade Union Solidarity Conference organised from 23-25 March 2016 in Asmara, Eritrea by the NCEW, the African Regional Organisation of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC-Africa) and the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC).

◾Government of Eritrea Statement to the Committee on the Application of Standards (CAS) on Forced Labour Convention, 1939 (No.29) Ratification: 2000.

◾NCEW, Voice of Workers Publication, Celebrating 30 Years 1979-2009, March 2009.

◾Background to the Eritrean Worker’s Movement, March 2017.

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China would consider sending troops to Djibouti-Eritrea border

July 21, 2017, 12:41 pm
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By  Elias Meseret | AP

China would consider sending peacekeeping troops to a disputed Djibouti-Eritrea border region after Qatar pulled out its troops last month, China's top diplomat to the African Union said Friday, as the Asian giant's military role overseas grows.

China also would consider stepping in to mediate the dispute between the East African nations if asked, Kuang Weilin told The Associated Press.

This month, China dispatched members of its army to Djibouti to man its first overseas military base. The move is a key in a wide-ranging expansion of China's armed forces in step with the country's growing economic and political footprint.

Qatar withdrew 450 peacekeeping troops from the contested Dumeriah mountain area in June while caught up in its own diplomatic clash with other Arab nations. It had mediated the territorial dispute and its peacekeepers had been deployed after a 2010 cease-fire deal.

China hopes the Djibouti-Eritrea border issue will be "solved amicably," Kuang said.

China is relatively new to peacekeeping but already is the biggest contributor of peacekeepers among the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, with more than 2,500 deployed on U.N. missions as of the end of June.

There currently is no U.N. mission in Djibouti or Eritrea.

Djibouti is already home to the United States' only permanent military base in Africa, Camp Lemonnier, while France, Britain, Japan and other nations also maintain a military presence in the small but strategically located Horn of Africa nation.

China's base in Djibouti "will only have logistical purposes, not defense capabilities," Kuang said. China has said the logistics center will support anti-piracy, U.N. peacekeeping and humanitarian relief missions in Africa and western Asia.

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Somalia-Eritrea Sanctions Committee Consultations

July 22, 2017, 12:00 am
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On Monday (24 July), the Chair of the 751/1907 Somalia and Eritrea Sanctions Committee, Ambassador Kairat Umarov (Kazakhstan), will deliver his 120-day briefing to Council members in consultations, covering the period from April to July 2017.

The Chair is expected to update Council members on any notifications and exemption requests concerning the arms embargoes on Somalia and Eritrea. The briefing will touch on the 21 April midterm update of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG). In this update, the Group reported that Al-Shabaab remains the most significant threat to peace and security, while an ISIL-affiliated extremist group is increasing in size. The resurgence of piracy off the coast of Somalia, as well as the charcoal ban, is also likely to be addressed.

On Eritrea, Umarov will probably update Council members on developments pertaining to allegations made last year by Djibouti and another member state of weapons transfers from Eritrea to Al-Shabaab. It appears that these countries have not yet provided the SEMG with evidence to substantiate their claims. The Monitoring Group has reported that Eritrea continues to support other opposition groups in the region.

The Chair may also address the Djibouti-Eritrea conflict. In recent years, the Security Council has asserted in sanctions resolutions on Somalia-Eritrea that the Djibouti-Eritrea conflict constitutes a threat to international peace and security. In addition to reiterating this assertion, the most recent resolution on Somalia-Eritrea sanctions (resolution 2317 of 10 November 2016) encouraged further mediation efforts by Qatar in order to resolve the border dispute between Djibouti and Eritrea and the issue of Djiboutian combatants missing in action since the clashes in 2008, The resolution urged Eritrea to share, including with the SEMG, any available detailed information pertaining to the combatants.

The Djibouti-Eritrea dispute has become of increasing concern, following Qatar’s 14 June announcement that it would no longer mediate between the parties and its withdrawal of peacekeeping forces from the border areas. On 16 June, Djibouti accused Eritrea of occupying disputed territory along their mutual border. The AU Commission subsequently announced that it was available to Djibouti and Eritrea to help “normalise their relations and promote good neighbourliness”, and that the Commission, in consultation with the parties, would deploy a fact-finding mission on the border. Ambassador Smail Chergui, AU Commissioner for Peace and Security, had been scheduled to travel to Asmara to discuss developments in the region with Eritrean authorities; however, at the request of the Eritrean authorities and due to scheduling conflicts, that visit was postponed, and new dates are to be agreed upon in consultation with the Eritrean government. The SEMG has also requested access to the border area, but has only gained clearance from the Djiboutian side.

The level of engagement with the Eritrean government may also be raised. Following months of attempts to arrange a Chair’s visit to the region that would include a stop in Asmara, it appears that the Eritrean government agreed to have the Chair visit later this month, during a regional mission that would also include stops in Addis Ababa, Djibouti City and Mogadishu. However, after agreement was reached on the itinerary, Eritrea informed the Chair that the proposed dates for the visit to Asmara were not workable, and the visit to the region has been postponed.

This postponement followed considerable discussion in the sanctions committee and with Eritrea, regarding whether the Chair should visit Asmara alone or be accompanied by the Sanctions Coordinator in the Secretariat. The Committee ultimately agreed, prior to the postponement of the visit, that the Chair could travel to Eritrea unaccompanied by the Sanctions Coordinator.

The Council began discussions in April on a review of the sanctions measures on Eritrea, in line with its intentions outlined in resolution 2317 of 10 November 2016. The UK, as penholder, convened Council members twice to take stock of the positions of all members regarding a potential presidential statement that would establish a road map on the way forward on Eritrea sanctions. However, these discussions were put on hold following recent developments between Djibouti and Eritrea, which have underscored the complexities of regional political dynamics.

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Ethiopia's Khat Epidemic

July 23, 2017, 12:26 pm
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A farmer collecting khat in Infranz, a village in the Amhara region of Ethiopia. The young and underemployed are increasingly chewing khat, a psychotropic leaf that has amphetaminelike effects. Credit Tiksa Negeri for The New York Times



By Kimiko de Freytas-Tamura | NewYorkTimes

Yeshmebet Asmamaw, 25, has made chewing the drug a ritual, repeated several times a day: She carefully lays papyrus grass on the floor of her home, brews coffee and burns fragrant frankincense to set the mood.

Then she pinches some khat leaves, plucked from a potent shrub native to this part of Africa, into a tight ball and places them in one side of her mouth.

“I love it!” she said, bringing her fingers to her lips with a smack.

She even chews on the job, on the khat farm where she picks the delicate, shiny leaves off the shrubs. Emerging from a day’s work, she looked slightly wild-eyed, the amphetaminelike effects of the stimulant showing on her face as the sounds of prayer echoed from an Orthodox Christian church close by.

Ethiopians have long chewed khat, but the practice tended to be limited to predominantly Muslim areas, where worshipers chew the leaves to help them pray for long periods, especially during the fasting times of Ramadan.

But in recent years, officials and researchers say, khat cultivation and consumption have spread to new populations and regions like Amhara, which is mostly Orthodox Christian, and to the countryside, where young people munch without their parents’ knowledge, speaking in code to avoid detection.

“If you’re a chewer in these parts, you’re a dead, dead man,” said Abhi, 30, who asked that his last name not be used because his family “will no longer consider me as their son.”

Most alarming, the Ethiopian authorities say, is the number of young people in this predominantly young nation now consuming khat. About half of Ethiopia’s youth are thought to chew it. Officials consider the problem an epidemic in all but name.

The country’s government, which rules the economy with a tight grip, is worried that the habit could derail its plans to transform Ethiopia into a middle-income country in less than a decade ― a national undertaking that will require an army of young, capable workers, it says.

Khat is legal and remains so mainly because it is a big source of revenue for the government. But there are mounting concerns about its widespread use.

As many as 1.2 million acres of land are thought to be devoted to khat, nearly three times more than two decades ago. And the amount of money khat generates per acre surpasses all other crops, including coffee, Ethiopia’s biggest export, said Gessesse Dessie, a researcher at the African Studies Center Leiden at Leiden University.

That payoff, and the dwindling availability of land, has pushed thousands of farmers to switch to khat, he said. The changes have come as the government has pushed farmers off land that it has given to foreign investors in recent years.

Men chewing khat near the bank of the Nile River in Bahir Dar. Khat is legal and generates more money per acre than any other crop in Ethiopia. Credit Tiksa Negeri for The New York Times

Often associated with famine and marathon runners, Ethiopia is trying to change its global image by engineering a fast-growing economy, hoping to mimic Asian nations like China. It has poured billions of dollars into industrial parks, roads, railways, airports and other infrastructure projects, including Africa’s largest dam.

In cities across the country, skyscrapers grow like mushrooms, and along with them, dance clubs, restaurants and luxury resorts. According to government statistics, the country’s economy has been growing at a 10 percent clip for more than a decade.

But for all the fanfare surrounding what is often described as Ethiopia’s economic miracle, its effects are often not felt by the country’s young people, who make up about 70 percent of the nation’s 100 million people. There simply are not enough jobs, young people complain, often expressing doubt over the government’s growth figures.

It is because of this lack of jobs, many say, that they take up khat in the first place ― to kill time.

“It’s a huge problem,” said Shidigaf Haile, a public prosecutor in Gonder, a city in northern Ethiopia, which was rocked by violent protests last year, mainly by young people over the absence of jobs.

More than half of the city’s youth now chew khat, Mr. Shidigaf said. Many gather in khat dens away from prying eyes.

“It’s because there is a lack of work,” he added, saying there were numerous cases of people who were so dependent on the leaves, sold in packs, that they turned to petty crime. The government recognizes the problem, he said, but so far it has not been tackled directly.

“It’s bad for Ethiopia’s economic development because they become lazy, unproductive, and their health will be affected,” he said.

Khat’s effects vary depending on the amount consumed and the quality of the leaf, of which there are at least 10 varieties, according to growers. Some people turn hot and agitated. Others become concentrated on whatever is at hand to such an extent that they block out everything and reach “merkana,” a quasi-catatonic state of bliss. Chronic abuse, the American government warns, can lead to exhaustion, “manic behavior with grandiose delusions, violence, suicidal depression or schizophreniform psychosis.”

Dependency on khat is more psychological than physical, according to Dr. Dawit Wondimagegn Gebreamlak, who heads the psychiatry department at Addis Ababa University in Ethiopia’s capital. Chewing it “is quite a complex cultural phenomenon,” he said, adding that simply banning it would be difficult, given its role in cultural rites among certain religious groups.

Mulugeta Getahun, 32, studied architecture but works as a day laborer.

“I chew khat when I don’t have a job,” he said. “Nothing entertains me more than khat.” Sitting in a bar here in Bahir Dar, about 340 miles from Addis Ababa, where he was coming off a high, he drank “chepsi,” a home-brewed millet wine that helps neutralize the effects of stimulation.

A group of men sat around drinking the homemade liquor and chewing khat, an act that could be considered illegal under the current state of emergency.

After last year’s protests, and their subsequent violent crackdown by security forces, the government prohibited communal activities because meetings were seen as a threat to public order and a potential gathering place for dissidents.

Still, the young are defiant.

There are “bercha-houses,” secret khat dens, where young people congregate in cramped rooms, bobbing their heads to Teddy Afro, a popular Ethiopian pop singer whose lyrics are considered veiled criticisms of the government.

There are hide-outs on the banks of the Nile River, where young people stretch themselves out under mango and banana trees, chewing khat and throwing peanuts in their mouths.

Even a guesthouse where Mengistu Haile Mariam, the authoritarian ruler ousted by the current governing party 26 years ago, stayed during the summers was recently overrun by young people celebrating the end of their studies, some chewing khat in one of the bleak Soviet-style rooms with the curtains drawn.

Yared Zelalem, 17, and Yonas Asrat, 27, chewed khat on the side of a street in Addis Ababa, waiting for the odd job of washing cars to come their way. They had been chewing for five hours already, and it was still early afternoon.

They both arrived in the capital 10 years ago looking for work, they said, after Mr. Zelalem’s parents died and Mr. Asrat’s family was kicked off its farmland to make way for a resort hotel.

Mr. Asrat looked morose. “Nothing has changed in the past 10 years except for my physical appearance,” he said, showing his home, a beat-up taxi with a foam mattress inside. “This country is only for investors.”

Mr. Zelalem, the 17-year-old, lives next door, in a boxlike structure with just enough space to fit his small frame. He was more determined.

“I want to become prime minister and change the country, and give jobs to young people,” he said, the words “Never Give Up” tattooed on his arm. He opened the door to his abode, which was fashioned out of corrugated metal. A backpack hung on a nail, next to a cutout of Jesus pasted on one wall. He took out his school notebooks, full of his meticulous handwriting.

“I want to study natural sciences, then become a doctor. Then I want to study social sciences to learn about politics,” he said, listing off his ambitions.

“In 20 years, you’ll see,” he added. “I’ll invite you to my office.”

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[Video] Eritrea Diaspora: the Struggle for Liberation

July 24, 2017, 12:00 am
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By The Roberson Report

During the 13th YPFDJ European conference we were given exclusive access. For 4-days our journalist Kevin P. Roberson was allowed too roam around freely and speak with whomever he wanted to. The attendees were from all over the world, some were members of the YPFDJ and others were non-members interested in learning more about the political movement and Eritrean culture. Journalists Sanne Terlingen and Huub Jaspers claimed that the conference is used to "recruit spies for the Eritrean regime."

Roberson did not witness anyone recruiting individuals to be spies and sees the statements of Terlingen en Jaspers as evidence of 'media lies' that are being used to criminalize countries that Western powers want to re-colonize. Going into the conference Roberson was worried about his safety and what he was going to experience. He explained that these feelings were caused by the biased reporting of the mainstream media and the criminalization of the YPFDJ by a network of researchers, journalists and NGO's.

One specific example that Roberson gives is the story of Rahel Hadish. After her arrival at the conference location in Veldhoven she says that she was thrown to the ground and kicked in her head by a opposition demonstrators. In a Tweet by De Telegraaf journalist Jan Williem Navis he states that he saw the man in the blue jacket kick someone in the head. Hadish also references this Tweet in her police report and states that she recognizes the man in the blue coat in Navis's photo as the person who assaulted her. Roberson interviewed Hadish about her attack. Nieuwsuur interviewed Hadish as well but didn't report on her attack.

Hadish is one of two attendees that we know of who are stating that they were assaulted by opposition demonstrators. After disturbing the peace by initiating a successful public display of civil disobedience, by sitting in the road and blocking the entrance to the hotel, all opposition demonstrators were arrested. Shortly after the release of the demonstrators a photo was uploaded on the Facebook profile of Prof. Mirjam van Reisen, where she is pictured with these same demonstrators standing outside of the Eindhoven jail.

Prof. van Reisen is a researcher at the University of Leiden and has been calling for regime change in Eritrea. We haven't been able to get a reaction from Prof. van Reisen in regards to the assault accusations that are being made against the demonstrators that she is pictured with. On Facebook she writes the following about the demonstrators: "Heros of today in Veldhoven-justice seekers in action."

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Enchanting Asmara

July 24, 2017, 1:39 pm
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Asmara, Eritrea (Credit: Eritrea In-Pictures)


By Sophia Tesfamariam

Asmara woke up early on 8 July 2017, as it did for ages…the early morning call to prayers from nearby mosques and the sounds of church bells mix with the sounds of click clock from horse and donkey driven carriages, and the buses and trucks heading out of the city to villages near and far. No doubt the women were up early to clean the tree lined avenues and the city’s sidewalks-with nothing but the thatched brooms and wheelbarrows, picking up litter and washing away the dust. Cleanliness is next to godliness… and Asmara perched at 2500 feet above sea level, is heavenly. Many have gazed into her star filled nights, to count blessings and seek redemption, finding solace in the darkest of nights. Asmara personified timelessness…

So when, with unanimous voice, the UNESCO Committee agreed that Asmara deserved to be listed as a World heritage site, Eritreans all over the world were ecstatic… but not surprised. UNESCO said Asmara was “an exceptional example of early modernist urbanism at the beginning of the 20th century and its application in an African context”. But for Eritreans, it was much more. Asmara represents preservation of the nation’s dignity and pride, amidst the surrounding turmoil and turbulence. Asmara represents Eritrea’s exemplary harmonious ethnic and religious cultures, as well as Eritrea’s enchanting history of courage and valor. Asmara, Africa’s first modernist city, beneath the beautiful façade, hid a lot of pain, and cried many tears.

Asmara endured Italian ghettoization, British pillage and plunder and Ethiopian genocide. While Asmara developed into a bustling metropole under the 60 year long Italian occupation of Eritrea, her people were relegated to the outskirts. The 10 year British Administration ended the segregation, but saw the dismantling of Italian era factories and industry and the instigation of ethnic and religious conflict in Eritrea. Asmara witnessed the brutality of the 30 year Ethiopian occupation, its inhabitants massacred in the streets. Its gated villas turned into brothels for Ethiopian forces, its over 400 magnificent modernist building aged from neglect, but survived Ethiopia’s brutal 3 decades long colonization and its scorched earth policies.

Asmara hid in its bosom, stories of extreme courage under terrorizing occupation, of dignity and pride, of preservation and good will, and of refusal to submit. The art deco buildings witnessed the carnage on the streets and the quite whispered longings of its children. The pink and purple bougainvillea bloomed across the many fences, bringing color to the city under siege-hiding the fear in the houses they enclosed. Men and women walked on Asmara’s streets, barred from the ancient sidewalks. The exiled reminisced about sophisticated lives spent there, and the memories engraved in all hearts and minds… unearthed instantly on arrival… to make new ones…and cement the old. Yes, Asmara bore the brunt of international politics that sought to deny Eritreans their right to self-determination, and successive colonizers sought to make it their own…

But Asmara held on…and on 24 May 1991, Asmara was liberated and so was Eritrea. Tanks and trucks carrying freedom rolled into Asmara, liberating the city, and with it Eritrea. Her jubilant people took to the streets, filling the avenues and the wide sidewalks, once shackled and cordoned. From that day to the present, Asmara’s boulevards welcomed prodigal children from around the world, as well as friends and foe. In 2001, Asmara was declared a historic site… and with that, the people and government of Eritrea, and good friends of Eritrea, began the arduous journey to Krakow, Poland, armed with over a thousand pages of research, pictures and credible, verifiable information. Asmara, etched forever in the hearts and minds of all who encountered her mesmerizing aura, had met the criteria needed for World Heritage inscription…

The extraordinary work done to have the entire city of Asmara listed cannot be covered in one seating, but suffice it to say that it was a labor of love, of determination, of scrupulousness, meticulousness and passion. Assembling such an impressive dossier was not an easy task and took almost two decades…but as the Tigrinya saying goes ጻዕሪ ከም ጻጸ ብልሒ ከም መላጸ-work very hard and long like an ant, but also work smartly (sharp as a knife)…it was complete-made for a unanimous vote from the Committee. According to the United Nations Educational and Scientific Organization (UNESCO), in order to be included on the World Heritage List, sites must be of outstanding universal value and meet at least one out of ten selection criteria. The information contained in the submissions make Asmara a suited candidate on many levels-but it was three criteria that fit it best. According to the dossier,

“…the historic center of Asmara is proposed for inscription as an outstanding example of a capital city that embodies the unity of early town planning principles and modernist architecture combined with local natural and cultural conditions consistent with its highland African setting….”

 The site is proposed for inscription under criteria II, III and IV.

Criterion (II):

“…Asmara exhibits an outstanding example of the interchange of cultural influences brought about by the encounter with modernity in an African context. The exchange is expressed in the unity of an innovative urban planning process and distinguished Modernist architecture combined with local natural and cultural conditions to create a distinctive urbanism based on human scale….”

Criterion (III):

“… As a well-preserved total urban landscape and modern capital of Eritrea, Asmara bears exceptional testimony to the universal aspiration for and attainment of national self-determination founded on the protracted development of indigenous cultural and political consciousness through multiple encounters with regional civilisations and colonial experiences. Asmara was once a centre of established cultural traditions and trading networks spanning the region, before becoming the locus of uniquely varied foreign agendas of global significance before and during the Second World War and throughout the Cold War…”

Criterion (IV):

“…Asmara is an outstanding example of the transition in architecture and town planning at the turn of the twentieth century in response to the universal encounter with modernity in an African context. The synthesis of modern town planning and architecture in a total urban landscape is an exemplar of early modernism adapted to local cultural and geographic conditions. As an urban landscape, Asmara encapsulates key stages of modernity’s development and principal characteristics, including colonialism and global conflict, scientific responses to planning and infrastructure, rapid technological and urban development, and pioneering transportation and communication…”

Eritreans around the world followed with keen interest the proceedings of the 41st Session of UNESCO and waited patiently, but with a great deal of confidence, to hear the decision of the Committee on whether or not Asmara, Eritrea’ capital would be listed as a UNESCO World Heritage site. On 8 July 2017, UNESCO’s proclamation ended a long-running quest to have the city’s unique architecture, recognized.

The enormity of the event has not sunk in yet...and just as the day Asmara was liberated, Eritreans all over the world are basking in her glory and celebrating her new found fame. Yes, there is a lot that comes with being listed and Eritreans are ready to take on that challenge. Asmara, the “City of Dreams”,” Africa’s Secret Modernist City” is no longer a “The Forgotten City”… Yes, do Come and See!

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Free Speech or Terror TV? Al Jazeera’s Support for ISIS and Al Queda

July 25, 2017, 12:01 am
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Free Speech or Terror TV? Al Jazeera’s Support for ISIS and Al Queda

By Thomas C. Mountain

Al Jazeera’s Arabic TV channel has been promoting both ISIS and Al Queda/Al Nusra for years now. ISIS and Al Nusra representatives appearing on the channel are greeted with “welcome back brother” and when finished are told to “go with god”. Rayan Mishaal, founding Director of the ISIS-Aamaq news agency, was a regular guest and when he was killed in Syria Al Jazeera Arabic offered their on air condolences.

One entire program featured an AJ Arabic senior anchorman arguing in support of a genocide in Syria of the Alawite religious minority (which the Presidential Family hails from) as being the best solution to the Syrian peoples problems (see Nervana1 or Hayder al Khoei for more).

When the Arab Spring broke out, or was instigated from abroad, in 2011, Al Jazeera Arabic TV channel, a fiefdom of the Qatari Royal Family went into hyperdrive against the Assad government in power in Syria and forced most of the authentic journalists at the station to quit in protest. Some of them formed new TV channels, including Al Mayadeen TV, based in Lebanon, which has since been kicked off both the Saudi Arabsat and the Egyptian Nilesat channels, though Al Jazeera Arabic and AJ English are both still carried by both satellite systems never mind the so called “Boycott of Qatar” by the Saudi lead coalition.

The Nato War Against Libya in 2011 was the watershed moment for AJ Arabic when they launched a racist terror campaign with star reporter Hoda Abdel Hamid saturating the airwaves with hate speech falsely claiming that Gaddafi had sent Black, African mercenaries to rape thousands of the wives and daughters of Libyans in a wave of rapine and mayhem spreading across the country.

Fear of black sexual predators, playing right smack into the most backward and racist tendencies of a people only a generation, if that, removed from nomadism, Hoda seemed to instinctively know how to panic the Libyan Arab population and upwards of a half a million Libyan Arabs fled their homes to supposed protection in the Al Queda and later ISIS controlled east of Libya, Serenaica of old.

This racist hate speech was a complete fabrication and when challenged on this Hoda Abdel Hamid was forced to return to Libya only to completely fail to find any trace of African Mercenaries or a single woman who had been raped. This was the same campaign that saw Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and UN Ambassador Susan Rice claiming that Qaddafi’s fighters were being given viagra to fuel rape and pillage against their own people, giving fresh meaning to lies and damned lies.

As a result of this racist incitement to violence hundreds if not thousands of African guest workers were lynched by Libyan Arab death squads, with their tortured, burnt bodies hung from bridges or dumped in the desert. I attended funerals for Eritrean victims of these racist lynch mobs and the images of the tortured and burnt alive Africans, broadcast for the whole world to see, could only resurrect memories of similar lynchings of black men committed throughout the former slave states in the USA well into my lifetime.

This war crime, what amounted to an ethnic cleansing of Libyan Arabs and mass murder of African guest workers is no different from other war crimes that have had perpetrators, both military and civilian, indicted by the International Criminal Court. Of course to be indicted by the ICC requires White House approval so don’t hold your breath that Hoda and the rest of the journalistic hoodlums at Al Jazeera Arabic TV will ever face justice for their crimes against the Syrian, Libyan and African people.

The western media has been pumping “support free speech” in its defense of Al Jazeera English but almost completely blind when it comes to shining the light of day on the Al Jazeera Arabic TV channel and its promotion of “Terror TV” by its support for ISIS and Al Queda over its airwaves internationally. In the case of AJ Arabic “Journalism Is A Crime” putting a lie to its sister station’s claims otherwise.

Thomas C. Mountain is an independent journalist in Eritrea, living and reporting from here since 2006. See thomascmountain on Facebook and Twitter or best contact him at thomascmountain at g mail dot com

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[Video] Community mobilization to achieve LDN: Experience from the State of Eritrea

July 25, 2017, 5:11 am
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By UNCCD

The Government and the people of Eritrea are committed to achieve Land Degradation Neutrality (LDN) by 2030. In order to restore, sustain and enhance the productive functions of the country’s natural ecosystem resources, Government of Eritrea has massively invested in the agriculture sector.

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Eritrea - Social Remittances and Development

July 25, 2017, 11:31 am
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Eritrea - Social Remittances and Development

Simon Weldemichael
Adi Keih College of arts and social sciences


In Eritrea, from May to August we regularly see different and unique activities that attract human attention. The main activities of the season include Independence Day and Martyr’s Day, various graduation ceremonies, intensive agricultural activities, summer work programs involving students, youth coming from and going to Sawa, the Sawa youth festival, and Expo national festival. In addition, we see the arrival of thousands of Eritreans from the diaspora. The annual arrival of the Eritrean diaspora raises questions about how the country can benefit and what it can expect from them, as well in what ways can cooperation and support be enhanced.

Human beings have been found in perpetual motion since the dawn of history. Vast waves of humanity crossed the boundary of their original home to settle in other host countries. The word diaspora is meant to signify the dispersal of people from their original homeland. Simply, a diaspora is a community of people living outside their country of origin.

Eritreans in the diaspora have developed a sense of “belongingness” to their country and regard their ancestral homeland as their true home, to which they will eventually return. The Eritrean diaspora has long been known for its commitment to the reconstruction and protection of their homeland. Eritrea has a large diaspora which dates back to decades. To this day, Eritrea continues to lose many of its citizens because the lights in the developed world shine brighter and because many hope to attain a better future. People migrate for a variety of reasons including the search for better economic opportunities, education, socio-political and economic issues, and family reunions.

Migration imposes a high cost for developing countries like Eritrea, often depriving the country of the human capital necessary to achieve long term economic growth. This human capital flight may impose a significant economic burden for the country as migrants take with them the value of their training and education, which is often subsidized by governments with limited resources. This has caused brain drain, where the brightest minds that were educated with limited resources leave for other countries. This type of migration affects the development of the country. Therefore, we have to ponder in how to convert the brain drain situation to brain gain.

However, migration is a two-way occurrence, with many migrants returning back home with specialized knowledge and skills which can help improve development programs in the country. These migrants may include, among others, those who obtain additional education abroad and return back home to serve in hospitals, schools, engineering, consulting policy makers, investment and other areas that demand expertise. Eritrean diaspora professionals, who are in a position to deliver such expertise to Eritrea, are large enough in many foreign countries. Therefore, strategies should be envisaged so that the expertise and experience acquired by the Eritrean diaspora can be made available for the promotion of development. Toward this end, many Eritrean diaspora have made frequent visits and stays to contribute their expertise to the ongoing process of development.

In addition, another issue is that of remittances, which is a broad topic. Migrants are expected to send more than money back to their home. In addition to sending money, migrants transfer ideas, technology, norms of behavior and values. These non monetary transfers have been described by scholars doing research on the area as “social remittances.” Social capital as a resource to development is of vital importance. In this regard there are many social remittances that Eritrean diaspora elsewhere possess and can transfer in order to promote ongoing development. Eritrea has sought to strengthen ties with its diaspora, recognizing it as a potential resource of human and social capital that can make a major contribution to development of the country.

Social remittances are defined as ideas, practices, mind-sets, world views, values and attitudes, norms of behavior and social capital (knowledge, experience and expertise) that the migrants and diasporas mediate and consciously or unconsciously transfer from host to home countries. (Gakunzi 2006: 12). Today the thinking over migration has changed and is considered as an important force in development for both developing and developed countries. The social remittances that the Eritrean diaspora possess and can transfer to Eritrea include innovative ideas, valuable transnational networks, knowledge, valuable habits and attitudes, new technological skills and work ethics.

No one can say that migration is wholly positive or wholly negative. It is much more complex. It deprives countries of highly educated and skilled workers, separate families and increase inequalities. However, what to do if the option to remain in one's country is a not viable? To get the desirable out of the undesirable, migration is increasingly seen as a contributor to development. Migrants make important contributions to host countries, and the flow of financial, technological, social and human capital back to their countries of origin helps to reduce poverty and stimulate economic development. Eritrea is hankering more for the value of skills and knowledge transfer than the value of money remittances.

It has been repeatedly said that Eritrea’s best and reliable resource is human capital. In order to empower its human capacity educational and health institutions have spread throughout the country. Recognizing the changing effect of skilled and knowledgeable work force, a rapid increase in technical and vocational schools and tertiary education has been registered. Eritrea faces challenges and has sought to invest in its youth and human capital. The aim of this investment in young people is to create hope and opportunity among them which in turn is essential to foster development. Taking the popular notion of “Eritrea is for all Eritreans and all Eritreans are for Eritrea” into account, we must endeavor togather for the fruit of development that we expect to ripen in the near future. The diaspora is imperative to help along the way.

The social remittances of Eritrean diaspora although recognized as an important source of development is still untapped. It’s evident that the remittances to relatives or friends that supplements domestic incomes of many poor families and the 2% tax of reconstruction are a large source of income and foreign exchange. Here we need to identify and notify what kind of social capital is looked for? There is growing motivation among the educated diaspora to impart knowledge, professional skills and networks and thereby contribute positively to the development of Eritrea. The country is now in need of the individual and collective contribution of the diaspora’s expertise to assist and introduce the locals with new ideas and innovation. Our colleges, hospitals, administrative offices and ministries need diaspora initiatives to supplement the effort and determination of the locals.

There are many Eriteans from the diaspora working in different parts and institutions of the country. For example, diaspora contribute in the areas of education and health. The benefits of their valuable knowledge, experience, and innovative practices are felt easily within the community and country. These individuals illustrate and prove that the Eritrean diaspora is important to channel innovative ideas, intellectual capacity, skills, and creative thinking.

Eritreans are known for their hospitality and reception of guests. The people treat the diaspora in respect, often times giving everything good and abandoning themselves. Although the majority of the diaspora respect, appreciate and live in harmony with the social fabric of the society, a few may be misguided. To mention some of the contemptible manifestations, consider unattractive and socially undesirable movements, extravagancy and conspicuous consumption, misconduct, disrespect to the culture, and a tendency to look down upon people. But the vast majority seen and appreciated are the many young diaspora who completed their education and training in Sawa, the doctors that served in hospitals, lecturers in colleges, and consultants in many key positions. The actions of the very few must not misconstrue the image of the whole diaspora.

To conclude, Eritrea has long been known for its commendable policy of self reliance; it has no one and nowhere to beg for its development except for its sons and daughters. The unparalleled unity of Eritreans of all ages and genders, from both inside and outside the country is now enormously needed in the reconstruction and development process of the country.

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Urban Hinterlands in Antiquity: Reflections from Matara and Keskese

July 27, 2017, 12:00 am
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Fig.1. Remains of Residential Quarters at Matara




The archaeological site of Matara is located about 1km south of Senafe in the southern region of Eritrea. The archaeological site has for long been recognized by surrounding communities as Belew-Kelew. Matara´s visibility in various documents started to feature during the 19th century when various Europeans visited the site and documented their observations. Different aspects of the site, including fragments of ancient inscriptions, architectural remains and pottery fragments were recorded during the 19th and early 20th centuries. Matara´s prominence, however, came in the 1960s and 1970s when Anfray conducted multiple seasons of field surveys and excavations. The excavations involved a sustained archaeological research at Matara, though destructive, as the excavations did not allow proper conservation in the aftermath.

 Fig.1. Remains of Residential Quarters at Matara
 Matara is most closely associated with the 1st millennium A.D. (100- 900 A.D.) cultural period as much of the focus of research in the area has been on the architectural features pertaining to the period. Yet, 1st millennium B.C. (900-100 B.C.) deposits were documented by Anfray´s excavations. Excavated levels at Matara have shown two phases of occupation dating to the 1st millennium B.C. (900-100 B.C.), represented by architectural features and pottery that belongs to the period. Researchers interested in the archaeology of the Horn believe that the pottery uncovered from the 1st millennium B.C. levels at Matara are comparable to those documented on the Asmara Plateau at the ancient site of Ona Hashel. The strong resemblance with the Greater Asmara site dates form 800-400 B.C. is an indication of the ceramic tradition that flourished in the region by the 1st millennium B.C. Moreover, inscriptions that belong to the 1st millennium B.C. recovered from Matara include reference to the goddess DâtBa´dan, who, as in South Arabia, may have been associated with the solar cult. Two other inscriptions from Matara refer to the star deity Athtar and moon god, Almaqah, both commonly represented as important deities in the southern Red Sea world of the 1st millennium B.C.

Excavations at Matara also involved approximately onehalf of the visible 1st millennium A.D. buildings, producing much valuable information on architecture and material culture of the period as well as on coins and imported objects that provided relative dating. Amphorae of likely Mediterranean origin, ceramics with painted or stamped Christian crosses, blue-glazed pottery from the wider Indian Ocean World and a bronze lamp of Hellenistic style were also useful for relative dating at Matara.

The 1st millennium A.D. settlement occupation at Matara has been divided into elite residences, churches and commoner as well as intermediate level domestic buildings. The early phase of the 1st millennium A.D. at Matara corresponds to the erection of the famous stelae. Originally located at the base of the Gual Saim hill, the stelae includes an engraved disc and crescent symbol often associated with the moon god Almaqah and a four line inscription in an early Ge´ez or proto-Ge´ez script that reads as´´ this is the stelae which Agaz has erected for his ancestors for their defeat of the forces of Aw´a and Tsebelen.

Fig.3. Inscription in Epigraphic South Arabian, Keskese 
Rectangular shaped church or church –like structures were also revealed through the excavations at Matara, perhaps dating to the 5th to the 7th centuries A.D. Moreover, stone tomb features are found in several locations of the Matara archaeological site. The elite residential structures at Matara follow the conventional 1st millennium A.D. architectural design. Two residential quarters of densely packed neighboring stone and mud mortar dwellings interpreted as commoner residences were also excavated at Matara. Evidence of social hierarchy has been suggested from differences seen in architectural designs. A plethora of rock-cut tombs and special use areas such as workshops, stables, etc are spread over parts of the archaeological site of Matara. The research at Matara has been provided important insights into an ancient complex settlement. Linking the archaeological site of Matara to its  more rural hinterland will help better understand the archaeological site, and the conservation of exposed architectural features at Matara should be the focus of future archaeological works.

While Matara represents a 1st millennium B.C. -1st millennium A.D. urban settlement in the central highlands, the archaeological site of Keskese represents a ritual site that belongs to the period. Keskese is located north of Matara on a highland valley near the edge of the eastern escarpment at an average elevation of 2000 meters above sea level and about two kilometers north of the Amba Tarika. The Keskese area is located near the starting point of the Komaile Valley that descends from the central highlands to the Gulf of Zula on the Red Sea Coast. The site has been described as a 1st millennium B.C. ritual center due to at least six documented, partially buried, monolithic pillars or obelisks visible on the site surface. The pillars are between seven and nine meters in length and are generally similar in form to those documented elsewhere in the northern Horn. An inscription engraved in a granite block found at Keskese includes the Epigraphic South Arabian name believed to represent a king of the 1st millennium B.C.

 Systematic survey conducted in the area in 2001 resulted in the documentation of ten archaeological sites including two site areas with six obelisks and sites with extensive architectural wall and terrace features as well as substantial architectural rubbles. Stone artifact tools similar in form to the assemblage documented in the Greater Asmara sites were also documented in as much as ceramics resembling the ceramic tradition established for the Greater Asmara region were recovered.

Keskese´s position between the important urban centers of Matara and Qohaito and at the end of the Komaile valley directly linking the highlands with Adulis on the Red Sea littoral must have played a great role in the site´s development during the 1st millennium B.C. (900-100 B.C.). – 1st millennium A.D. (100-900 A.D.) of the northern Horn. The remnants of substantial monumental architecture, multiple mounds, inscriptions and abundant 1st millennium B.C. pottery and stone tools indicate that settlement and religious activities took place over many years. Features such as the evidence of past agricultural terraces, walls and pathways across the site suggest complex patterns that future research will reveal in depth. Keskese undoubtedly provides an important area to test hypotheses concerning interactions in the northern Horn, including the much debated ideas about South Arabian influences in the development of 1st millennium B.C. cultures and the subsequent roles and functions of ritual activities by the 1st millennium  A.D. in the region.



Fig.2. The Stele of Matara (before its recent restoration) 

Fig.2. The Stele of Matara ( after its recent restoration)
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[Documentary] Eritrea: The Struggle Against All Odds Continues

July 27, 2017, 12:00 am
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The Heart of ‘Tegadalai’

By Alemseghed Tesfai | From the EPLF magazine Harbenya, No 7, May 1988

By convention, amongst our community ‘Tegadalai’ is a word referred to the freedom fighters of the years of the armed struggle for independence. However, in its lexicon meaning it stands for anyone who strives at the cost of life. Eritrea is simply lucky to have people that don’t hesitate to put their hearts out for any national calls. And their hearts confess an endless desire of wellbeing for the sake of others, peace and stability.

Alemseged Tesfai, a highly regarded author, inked the words of a fallen Tegadalai’s heart. The piece was published in his collection book “Two Weeks in the Trenches:

Reminiscences of Childhood and War in Eritrea”. The book was published by Red Sea Press, Inc in 2002 and later by Hidri publishers. Last year the book was also translated in Italian.

Here follow the excerpts of the passage ‘The Heart of Tegadalai’.

One hour after the capture of Afabet, my companions and I climbed down the hills of Ad Sherum to march towards that town. Jet fighters were flying very low, attempting to patrol the main road. They had such a threatening demeanor that we were forced to avoid their attention by moving as far west off the road as we could.

We were overwhelmed by the magnitude of the victory. Our internal joy was too laded with emotion to find verbal expression. So our conversation could be nothing but disjointed. We simply kept uttering words and mumbles in dazed wonderment.

Throughout the two days of fighting, I had been with the division command that had led the attack from the heights of the Itahalbeb, Roret, the Hartetet and Ad Sherum. […] As I witnessed hills and ravines being penetrated and captured with pre-planned and amazing speed and precision, I had been faithful chronicler. From time to time, I would take my notebook out of my pocket and jot down details I thought I should not miss –captured positions, isolated enemy units, spots of stiff enemy resistance, the challenges and cruelty of nature, the number of tanks captured… you name it, I registered with painstaking care. Since my intention was to leave an exact account to future generations, I also attempted to interpret events of that battle as I saw them unfold in front of me.

As we sped through the plains of Afabet, however, I started to get the eerie feeling that I might not, after all, find the right words to suit the occasion. […] As a writer, I started to feel inept and, as a reporter, incompetent. Walking side by side with Ali Ibrihim, the Division Commander, I said, “And now what do we say?”[…] “Come on,” he replied. “Can’t you see how we are? If at all, we may occasionally jot a few things in a diary. But to write extensively…” he did not even finish his sentence. Obviously, his attention was already focused beyond Afabet, where his troops were chasing the enemy towards Keren. […]

Before long, however, under indistinguishable shrub, we came across a pool of half dried blood on a flat spot dotted with scattered stones and pebbles. The flow of the blood was out of the ordinary. It had not only covered the larger part of the flat spot, but had also branched out in different directions before drying up at the edges. It had thus created a strange and awesome shape. Naturally, all three of us were attracted by the sight. At first, we thought it was a continuation of the enemy blood and corpses that we had been encountering throughout the two days. After staring at the gory sight for a while we were about to proceed when one of us pointed to a piece of flesh lying on the left edge of the drying blood. All of us bent down to examine it. It was a human heart. No bone, muscles or any other body parts, just a heart –an oily, bright and red human heart with its arteries extended towards the pool it had obviously let go. A few meters away was tattered jacket. “This is ours. It is the heart of a comrade,” Ali Ibrihim said, almost in a whisper.

To be frank, at the beginning a cold current went down my spine and all through my body. It felt like another malaria attack. I am not the nauseous type, but this time, probably out of deference for that piece of flesh, I stepped away from it and the blood it had so strangely squeezed out. My eyes would not stop staring, even as we started to move on. […]

The extreme heat and the deafening screech of the jet fighters above did not deter our rapid pace. We also resumed our discontinued, disjointed chat. But the heart refused to leave my vision. At first, I thought it was my conscience blaming me for not having buried it. Therefore, I attempted to shake it off my mind, to just forget about it. When, like a living thing, it stuck inside my mind along with its blood and arteries, however, I tried to give meaning to it. Before long it came to me with full force.

What is this cold spell, this disquiet and feeling of guilt, I asked myself. Where does this conscience come from that keeps reproaching me for not having buried that fallen heart? Its oily luster I started to see as nothing but the expression of its inherent love and goodness, and what else can its flaming redress signify but the hatred and anger it has been forced to harbor for so long? From the blood it has so generously given, will flourish the heritage and cause for which it chose to lie down there so dramatically, so defiantly.

I admonished myself for my initial feelings. A surge of pride enveloped my whole being, thus blowing away the cold shiver and disquiet, just as the winds clear the clouds to open sky. My whole body warmed up as if a new volume of warm blood had entered my veins. Secure in the knowledge that I have finally found the very symbol that had been eluding me […].

There was no indication of who that graceful heart had belonged to. No trace, whatsoever, of its origin sex, religion, age, rank, or whether its owner had been a veteran or a novice. So my first reaction, naturally, was to ask who it may have been giving life to. Which direction could it have come from? Maybe with those who had rolled down steep slopes and jumped precipices to evict the enemy from the heights of the Rora; maybe with those who blitzed through the center to throw bombs at Amba, the Roret and the Hartetet; maybe, again, with those who survived the thirst of the coastal desert to attack by way of Azhara… Try as I did, I found it impossible to give it flesh and bones and associate it with a face. […] It was, after all, just a heart, I told myself, a heart that had extracted itself from the other organs of human being. A heart that had refused to be buries, so it could tell its story, express its defiance and make its behest. It was simply the heart of a patriot, the heart of tegadalai.

Although finding it in that position is deeply moving, this is by no means the first time this heart is shedding tears of blood for this land. […] Patriotism does not descend like manna from heaven, nor can it be created from naughty by a magic wand. Our fallen heart has its origins in history, through generations. This land of ours has never seen, nor has it enjoyed for ages, the benefits of normal peace and ordinary life. Centuries of foreign rule, invasions and internal strife have seen to it that our people do not breathe the air of peace and tranquility. Consequently, the love of country that tegadalai has inherited is not merely one of the ordinary love of compassion. Hate and defiance claim an equal share in his or her passions and emotions. History has pushed the tegadalai to quick and ferocious in retaliation to any threat, any provocation that endangers Eritrea’s rights.

[…] Who could ever count the enemy corpses lying at every turn, every ravine and every hill in the most grotesque of postures? Who could tally the captured tanks and burnt out weaponry? Would I be accused of mystification if I were to declare that this heart actually spits fire to burn metal and that it is destined for loftier deeds? […] And when I noticed the terror of its venom in the eyes of newly captured enemy soldiers, I swear that, although my own side and my own shelter, I too trembled with awe.

If I had seen anger and terror alone, I would have had caused to worry. I would have paused to wonder whether life in the wilderness had not extracted every bit of compassion from the heart of tegadalai. Once in Afabet, however, I noted with relief that beneath all that battlefield cruelty lay an inherent softness, a sea of compassion. Its handling of Ethiopian prisoners of war is too well known for me to dwell on here. One would expect, though, that its reaction to the three captured Soviet officers would be different. It was not. These were part of the system that had helped drive the Eritrean revolution from fringes of Asmara to the foxholes of Sahel. These were the very officers whose bombs had rained on trenches and villages, on fighters and unarmed civilians with indiscriminate fury. And yet, the tegadalai that I saw flocking around them were there just to see what they looked like. I saw no hostility in them, neither was there any verbal abuse.

Theirs is not a heart of grudges and evil intentions. Afabet convinced me that this is a heart of mercy and forgiveness –a heart, indeed that does not spend sleepless nights in gnawing plots of hate its enemies, the pain and ordeal it has had to suffer. Nor would it covet from others what is not rightfully its due. The world has yet to recognize this heart that so willingly sheds all that it possess for peace amongst men and women. As to powerful of our age who are intent on crushing it for it for the success of their own global strategies, I say that they do not understand its nature. Or, possibly, they are deluging themselves.

For this heart that is capturing their weapons and even men with their own weapons. Indeed, it is a heart that has risen its head to defy their awesome power for one quarter of a century. And like the piece of flesh and the symbol of courage that we found resisting the scourge of the morning sun, it will not be long before the mighty accept that the heart of tegadalai is not about to disintegrate or to burst out of existence even when trampled on. That they have not done so till now, that they are not pausing to listen to its beat, it is a waste.

It is a big one then, this heart of tegadalai; and because adversity, fortitude and flames of war have fomented it into maturity, it has reached a new height. However it will need careful handling especially in this, its moments of victory, lest it get intoxicated with glory, forget what it has gone through, swell out of proportion and just blow up. True, the fact that the people of Afabet could welcome it safe from any harm to their person or property is relieving and encouraging. It is also an indication of its future relations with its people.

Nevertheless, a heart without a guide may prove fickle and flighty and we will need to cultivate, expand, educate and make it wise. A product of the people, it was nurtured by the people. In return, it has shed tears of blood for them. It has fallen for their sake. It is, therefore, incumbent upon this heart to tune its beat with theirs, to preserve their culture and protect their honor, to understand their problems and seek solutions for them. It has the obligation to approach them, not from an attitude of superiority and disdain but with modesty and humbleness. Above all, we have the duty to guarantee that it renews its oath and lives up to its responsibility never assume the role of dispenser of freedom and never to ride over its own people.

Above all, though, I have a behest to uphold. A behest made that charming and purple heart of tegadalai, which I found lying at the gates of Afabet, as if to represent all the martyrs who had fallen from Sidoha Eila to Ghergir Sudan, from Semhar to Barka, on the front lines or in the base areas, in towns or in the countryside, for the very land that it had so bloodied.

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How Can China Resolve the Djibouti-Eritrea Border Conflict?

July 27, 2017, 12:01 am
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By SputnikNews

China has offered to mediate the East African countries’ dispute by sending troops to the border between Djibouti and Eritrea. The offer comes after China’s fleet began to sail to its first overseas base in the Horn of Africa. Sputnik spoke with a military analyst about this issue.

Kuang Weilin, the Chinese ambassador to the African Union, suggested that China would consider sending troops to the border between the two East African countries, The Associated Press reported on Monday.

He stressed that China is willing to act as a mediator if needed.

Last week, China dispatched a military contingent to its first overseas military base in Djibouti, in the Horn of Africa, so the offer comes amid the increasing presence in the continent.

In an interview with Sputnik, Russian military analyst Vladimir Yevseyev said that the strengthening of the role of China as a major political player in Africa and the Middle East would possibly further disturb the US, as with China rising, the US feels threatened.

However, the question regarding the ability of China to fully cope with the peacekeeper's mission between Djibouti and Eritrea, despite the solid experience of participating in UN peacekeeping missions, remains contentious.

“China is trying to claim itself as a political player who is able to resolve armed conflicts. Yet, it is not clear how much China will cope with this task because China has no great experience in such activities,” Yevseyev said.

In addition, he said that for the settlement of armed conflicts, it is necessary to have special equipment of the armed forces. These are units that have special light weapons and ammunitions.

Furthermore, the peacekeepers should also have the skills to communicate with the local population in English, and also extensive training of the personnel for such peacekeeping operations is required.

“I'm not yet sure that China is able to fully cope with this task. However, the fact that China declares its readiness for a peacekeeping operation indicates that China is gradually becoming a political center of power,” Yevseyev said.

According to the analyst, China’s growing influence is a concern for the US, Japan and South Korea.
Despite that, China’s offer to act as a mediator is seen by some as a positive diplomatic gesture.

An expert of the Diplomatic Academy of China, Ren Yuanzhe, noted that mediation in overcoming international conflicts has become a trend of Chinese diplomacy.

“The trend of development of Chinese diplomacy in recent years is characterized by activity, initiative and offensiveness. It consistently shows an example of the diplomacy of a major power. This applies equally to China's approach to international conflicts in the Middle East and South Asia,” Yuanzhe said.

He further said that the power of China's influence is gradually expanding from Asia to the whole world.

The conflict between Djibouti and Eritrea began in the 1990s [2008]. In 2000 [2008], Qatar deployed peacekeepers into the zone of the territorial dispute, but the conflict has since grown.

“Against this background, as a responsible major power, China has declared its position, because Africa occupies an important place in Chinese diplomacy. With the realization of the One belt, One Road project we want to bring development and prosperity to the African region,” the analyst said.

Meanwhile, the conflict between Djibouti and Eritrea is capable of splitting regional stability and is not conducive to the development of China's cooperation with African countries.

“If China does not come there as an intermediary, then it will be done by other, Western states,” he said.

“Participation and mediation of China in the protection of peace and stability in the region is based on non-interference in domestic policy, creating a favorable framework for the conflicting parties for negotiations,” Yuanzhe concluded.


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Interview with Eritrean-American Athlete, Meb Keflezghi

July 27, 2017, 12:02 am
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The great Meb Keflezghi


Meb Keflezghi, an athlete whom Eritreans are devoted fans of, is a USA National champion in cross country, having won the in 2001, 2002, and 2009. Mebrahitom’s fastest times include: the 1998 record of 3:42.29 for 150 m, 13:11.77for 5000 m set in 2000, and the epic 27:13.98 breaking a record. On April 21, 2014 Meb became the first American to win the Boston marathon. Author to his own autobiography Run to overcome Mebrahitu is our guest today.



-Born in Eritrea, right?

Yes, I was born in Asmara and grew up in Adi Gombolo. I left Eritrea when I was ten years old. I lived in Italy, Milano, for a year and a half and then settled in the USA. I am an athlete, I run. I started running for grades when I was in 7th grade. I didn’t think I was actually going to make a career out of it. Almost 20 years ago, though, I started running professionally; at that time I think I was 23. First time I ever thought I was good at running was when I was in UCLA and started doing well in 5ks and 10ks, but before that my focus was all academic.

-So how has it been from the beginning? Now that you are 42 a summary of a career which began at 23 would be…

I started running when I was 15 years old and I am 42 years old, so a lot of things happened in the middle. Being a professional athlete is wonderful. Being able to run all over the world: world championships and marathons while making a career out of something you love has been exciting. Side by side to the thrills of my profession a big and nonstop sense of responsibility comes along. You are a public face so there is a big responsibility in being able to make people proud based on your performance. I am very fortunate to be one of the known athletes; it is a great honor. People want to meet you, greet you and they want to know you. In the US I spend an hour and hour and half just to greet a line of fans; I end up leaving through the backdoor. So for me it is not about how fast I run but how I live up to expectations: expectation of you as a professional, as Eritrean and an American. People expect you to excel, so I technically live my profession.

-In 2004 Zerisenay was a bronze medalist and around the same time you got a silver medal for America. What are your memories from them?

I was at a training camp in an island and I saw on TV Zeriesenay getting a bronze medal for Eritrea, and in few words, I was overjoyed. Originally I was supposed to be running the 10k with Zerisenay; my chance of winning were higher in a 10k than in a marathon. However, thank God I didn’t do the 10k because to this day I think Zerisenay and I would have run neck to neck. I am glad I wasn’t there.

-But it could have been a spectacular scene to watch.

Maybe, but also heart breaking for the two of us. Zerisenay was the first medalist ever for Eritrea, if I had taken that for the US, I am sure the legacy wouldn’t have been the same. I am an Eritrean, yes, but the race would have been America versus Eritrea… You know my chances were higher though; at that time already had been a marathon record holder and a National champion. I had been winning a lot of races so people suggested I’d do the 10k just so that I win certainty. Nevertheless I wanted to be part of the Athens traditional course and I was delighted Zerisenay won a medal. I ended up winning a week later, so one way or another that was a double win for us as Eritreans. I think I saw Zerisenay on Wednesday, I went to his room and congratulated him. I promised him I would do my best to win the marathon. So it was great.

-Why don’t you run for Eritrea?

That is a though question but also a good one because I don’t think a lot of people know why I don’t run for Eritrea. The reason is because I lived here only for ten years and most of my life is based in America, so most of my memories are from the US. My dad and my brother wanted me to run for Eritrea, my mother told me to follow my heart, but I actually did contemplate running for Eritrea in 1996. Back then Eritrea did not compete in 1996 neither in 2000. So I did wait, I waited long. And as an athlete it is not strategic to lose that much time. I couldn’t wait longer and I had just gotten American citizenship in 1998 so I decided to run for America. I thought if I could run for America I would still represent Eritrea. I am Eritrean by birth, my name is Eritrean and I look Eritrean, people ask my name and realize it is not an American name and they tend to ask about where I come from and all. . So it was still a very good decision; a win-win case because I am Eritrean and American.

-Breaking the record of Boston after almost 30 years.

My victory was not the record, it was the memory. My victory that day was an emotional one because of the bombing in 2013. The year after, even though I had many better options I decided to compete in the place where my heart laid for long. During the attack I was actually there. If you are an athlete you don’t get to normally enjoy the races the way the spectators do and therefore that year I decided to watch the Boston marathon and I waited and waited but the race hadn’t started yet so I decided to leave. As soon as I left the bombing took place. I missed it by 5 minutes. I was a spectator myself but three other spectators died on spot. So I put my heart on the racing track for the honor and remembrance of the event. And well it was great because I was the first American to win the race in 31 years and I was grateful; a tribute to the people that lost loved ones during the bombing of 2013.

-You are very active in diplomatic activities, too, care to tell us something?

In 2005 I did an EDF session for development of the federation; I helped with raising funds. I have a lot of sponsors, so I try to involve them as much as I can with the activities that I do besides running. They see me for my kindness; a way through which we help each other to embrace people and show care. Kindness is a typical Eritrean gesture I learned from the best and I am simply doing my part because I am capable of helping. I am fortunate to be in a position to extend assistance. I am an ambassador for many companies. I work with things that have to do with immigrants and I keep in touch with the Eritrean Embassy to America in DC.

After winning the Boston Marathon, Meb celebrates
with Eritrean community in Boston
I generally care about people so whether it is the State Department or the Eritrean Embassy I try to be involved as much as I can and when I meet politicians and big names I seize the moment to tell them about my country, how hard the Eritrean people work and everything I believe westerners don’t understand about Eritrea.

Last year I was invited here to Eritrea for the 25th independence anniversary as a diplomat and I got a chance to meet President Isaias Afwerki. I also had a chance to meet President Barack Obama and had dinner with him. He first called me from his plane to congratulate me on the Boston victory and later sent me an invitation through email for an African American Leaders’ Summit. I went to the White House; my wife Yordanos was with me. Zuma was next to me, Jim Carter was present and I spoke to the First Lady too. So, I seize these sort of moments that come outside of running to talk and discuss about Eritrea, our culture and our people. In 2000 I met president Clinton, I was not even an Olympian, but I said “Mr. President my name is Mebrahtom Kiflezghi, I was born in Eritrea. Can I have 30 seconds of your time?” He put his arm around me and said “what can I help you with?” and I said: “you know the Ethiopia Eritrea conflict I hope you guys do the right thing and sign up for a peace treaty”. He said “well, we’re doing our best”. So for me that was enough, I am in no position to call the White House and say “hey what are you doing about this and that?” Nonetheless I do what I can to talk about my country and people as much as I can.

-Future plans

I want to do more in Eritrea, definitely; whether it is athletics or diplomacy. And I wish to keep working on my foundation, the Meb foundation. Spending more time with my family in Eritrea is also on top of my list.

-Thank you Meb!


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U.S. Passes Resolution to Create Better Gov’t in Ethiopia, Targeted Sanctions Against Gov’t Officials

July 28, 2017, 12:00 am
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Representative Chris Smith (R-NJ). (Lisa Fan/Epoch Times)



Today, the full House Foreign Affairs Committee voted to advance a resolution, authored by Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ), highlighting the human rights violations of the Ethiopian government, and offering a blueprint to create a government better designed to serve the interests of the Ethiopian people.

The resolution, which passed without objection, also calls on the U.S. government to implement Magnitsky Act sanctions, targeting the individuals within the Ethiopian government who are the cause of the horrific abuses.

The State Department’s current human rights report on Ethiopia notes, “[t]he most significant human rights problems were security forces’ use of excessive force and arbitrary arrest in response to the protests, politically motivated prosecutions, and continued restrictions on activities of civil society and NGOs.”

“H. Res. 128, is like a mirror held up to the Government of Ethiopia on how others see them, and it is intended to encourage them to move on the reforms they agree they need to enact,” said Smith, Chair of the House panel on Africa. “For the past 12 years, my staff and I have visited Ethiopia, spoken with Ethiopian officials, talked to a wide variety of members of the Ethiopia Diaspora and discussed the situation in Ethiopia with advocates and victims of government human rights violations. Our efforts are not a response merely to government critics, but rather a realistic assessment of the urgent need to end very damaging and in some cases inexcusable actions by the government or those who act as their agents.”

H. Res. 128, entitled “Supporting respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia,” condemns the human rights abuses of Ethiopia and calls on the Ethiopian government to:

  • lift the state of emergency;
  • end the use of excessive force by security forces;
  • investigate the killings and excessive use of force that took place as a result of protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions;
  • release dissidents, activists, and journalists who have been imprisoned for exercising constitutional rights;
  • respect the right to peaceful assembly and guarantee freedom of the press;
  • engage in open consultations with citizens regarding its development strategy;
  • allow a United Nations rapporteur to conduct an independent examination of the state of human rights in Ethiopia;
  • address the grievances brought forward by representatives of registered opposition parties;
  • hold accountable those responsible for killing, torturing and detaining innocent civilians who exercised their constitutional rights; and
  • investigate and report on the circumstances surrounding the September 3, 2016, shootings and fire at Qilinto Prison, the deaths of persons in attendance at the annual Irreecha festivities at Lake Hora near Bishoftu on October 2, 2016, and the ongoing killings of civilians over several years in the Somali Regional State by police.

“It is important to note that this resolution does not call for sanctions on the Government of Ethiopia, but it does call for the use of existing mechanisms to sanction individuals who torture or otherwise deny their countrymen their human and civil rights,” said Smith.

Smith has chaired three hearings on Ethiopia, the most recent of which looked into the deterioration of the human rights situation in Ethiopia and was titled “Ethiopia After Meles: The Future of Democracy and Human Rights.”

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Asmara’s Upgraded Status: Honour and Responsibility

July 29, 2017, 12:01 am
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Asmara’s Cathedral, Photograph: Ed Harris/Reuters


On Saturday, 8 July 2017, during the 41st World Heritage Committee Session in Poland, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNESCO announced that our marvellous capital, Asmara, was officially inscribed a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

It is a great honour of tremendous value to the city and its people in particular, the country, the horn of Africa and the continent of Africa at large. It is a historical accomplishment for the people and government of Eritrea and, in particular, for all the parties who have been working assiduously to earn the city its well-deserved World Heritage Site status.

Perched on the central plateau of the central highlands of Eritrea, Asmara was initially planned to be a major modern city in Africa, in the first decade of the 20th century by the Italian architect-engineer Odoardo Cavagnari. In the years that followed, throughout the Italian colonial occupation, a large number of splendidly striking buildings which combine Italian futurist motifs with local methods of construction were constructed in Asmara. Some of these buildings were outrageously daring architectural adventures to be welcomed in the conservative European cities of that era. Hence, Asmara became a safe haven for daring Italian architects where they could experiment and flout their imaginative, dreamy and daring architectural ambitions. By the end of the 1930s, the prevalence of such wonderful buildings in a well-planned-modern-city infrastructure transformed Asmara and made it “Africa’s most modern metropolis”. It is this transformation along with the large number of Italian residents in the city that earned Italy’s planned African city the nickname ‘Piccola Roma’, or “Little Rome”. And now it is these buildings that have earned Asmara a World Heritage Site status by the UNESCO after all these years.

A World Heritage Site is a natural or man-made site, area, or structure recognized as being of outstanding international importance and, therefore, as deserving special protection. Such sites are nominated to and designated by the World Heritage Convention. The Paris based agency of the United Nations, UNESCO, which has been set up by the UN to contribute to peace and security of the world by promoting international collaboration through educational, scientific, and cultural reforms, formed the organization of the World Heritage Convention through the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. This convention is an international agreement adopted on 16 November 1972 by the Member States of the UNESCO. The principal purpose of this convention is to ensure ‘the proper identification, protection, conservation and presentation of cultural and natural heritage with ‘outstanding universal value to all mankind’. Today this convention has been ratified and signed by 193 countries including 189 UN member states. Through the years, a World Heritage List has been established by merit of the Convention. As of July 2017, 1053 sites are listed: 815 cultural, 203 natural, and 35 mixed properties, in 165 countries as of July 2017. Based on the number of sites that they have officially registered Italy, China, Spain, France, Germany and India rank at the top of the chart registering 53, 52, 45, 42, 41, and 35 sites respectively.

The procedure with which a place is promoted to a World Heritage Site status is not easy and straight forward. To begin with the place has exhibiting cultural and/or natural heritage of ‘outstanding universal value’ and, at least, ‘meet one of a set of World Heritage criteria’. However, that is only the beginning; in order for a property or place to be considered for inclusion in the World Heritage Site list, there is an elaborate procedure that needs to be followed by the country which is requesting the status. First, the country needs to provide a tentative list of sites to be considered for inscription. And here, it should be noted that only countries that have signed the World Heritage Convention, pledging to protect their natural and cultural heritage, can submit nomination proposals for properties on their territory to be considered for inclusion in UNESCO’s World Heritage List. After submitting the tentative list, the country in question produces and submits to the World Heritage Centre for review a nomination file which should exhaustively include all the necessary documentation and maps. The Centre checks the thoroughness of the file and sends it for evaluation to the appropriate Advisory Bodies. Then, the nominated site is evaluated by three Advisory Bodies. Two Advisory Bodies mandated by the World Heritage Convention, the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) and the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), independently evaluate the site. And a third Advisory Body, the International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM) also makes an evaluation. After the nomination and evaluation, a final decision is then made by the intergovernmental World Heritage Committee.

However, on more than one occasion, the World Heritage Committee has been subject to criticism for under-representation of heritage sites outside Europe and for controversial decisions in inscribing some sites. These days, an extensive and costly lobbying system has evolved around the process of inscription that it has become increasingly difficult for poor countries such as Eritrea to have sites put on the list. Which is probably why, the governmental and non-governmental parties who have worked tirelessly to have Asmara inscribed on the World Heritage List ought to be commended heartily.

There are six cultural and four natural criteria for the selection of the World Heritage List. If a site is to be included the World Heritage List, it must be of ‘outstanding universal value and meet at least one out of the ten selection criteria’. Asmara has been selected as a World Heritage site by meeting two of the six cultural criteria; criteria ii and iv. Criteria ii requires a site “to exhibit an important interchange of human values, over a span of time or within a cultural area of the world, on developments in architecture or technology, monumental arts, town-planning or landscape design”. Criteria IV expects a site “to be an outstanding example of a type of building, architectural or technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) significant stage(s) in human history”. The UNESCO has added Asmara to its list of World Heritage sites as the city still holds many well-preserved modernist buildings from the time Eritrea was ruled by Italy which has an outstanding universal value that met two of the selection criteria. UNESCO said Asmara was “an exceptional example of early modernist urbanism at the beginning of the 20th century and its application in an African context”.

Having survived a 30 year war for independence, around 4,300 modernist buildings, which make Asmara’s heritage unique in the world, with a historic perimeter within an area of 480 hectares, still stand today with have survived and most of them are still in a well-preserved state. These buildings include the famous Fiat Tiaglero building, a petrol station shaped as an aeroplane by the architect Giuseppe Pettazzi, which was built in 1938, the garage that resembles the hull of a ship with porthole windows, which was built in 1937, Cinema Impero, completed in 1937, still holds screenings for thousands of Eritrean cinemagoers, the art-deco bowling alley with coloured glass windows, the central post office which was completed between 1915 and 1916, and the Bar Zilli building that looks like an old-fashioned radio set, with windows like tuning buttons, etc. Moreover, there are a number of captivating villas, stylish shops and heroic factory complexes, specimen of “modernism’s broad palette, including novecento, rationalism and futurism”.

The inclusion of a site in to the UNESCO World Heritage Site list means that if UNESCO judges the site to be in danger, it may step in to preserve it. Inclusion into World Heritage list has a significant advantage in boosting a nation’s tourism industry. It can bring masses of tourists to the country. And a country such as Eritrea can use this flow of tourists and cash that can promote businesses and create jobs. Heritage tourism is a growing industry with the number of travellers who incorporated a heritage or cultural activity into their trip growing by the year. What makes the Heritage Tourism even more attractive to the host is that travellers who seek to visit heritage and cultural sites consistently stay longer and spend more money than other type of tourists. Hence, Heritage Tourism is a significant industry which can promote the recognition and preservation of the sites and contribute to the economic development of the host country.

Cultural, historical and natural heritages, even those that are not included in the UNESCO Heritage List, are some of the most precious, priceless and irreplaceable possessions, of not only a given nation, but humanity at large. Over the years, armed conflict and war, natural disasters, pollution, poaching, uncontrolled urbanization or human development, theft, invaders/tourism, etc. have deteriorated and caused the loss of vast treasured heritages all over the world. The loss of such a prized possessions in place or in a country is a loss for the entire humanity as it constitutes an impoverishment of the heritage of all mankind and its history, not just a given nation. The inclusion of a site into UNESCO Heritage List is an important step in the recognition of the site’s exceptional qualities, which can be considered of outstanding universal value and, as such, worthy of special protection against the dangers that threaten it. The honour of the inclusion of Asmara into the list is also a responsibility to the people and government of Eritrea to cherish and protect this treasure. The good thing about the inscription is, now that the city has been added into UNESCO Heritage List, the responsibility of its protection would, to some extent, be shared by the UNESCO and the whole world.


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Eritrea: Handing Over Ceremony of Newly Constructed Science College

July 29, 2017, 12:02 am
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The handing over of the newly constructed Science College at Mai Nefhi by the Chinese Civil Engineering Construction Corporation at a cost of 25 million dollars was conducted on 27 July. The construction of the college building was in accordance with the agreement concluded in 2014 between the Governments of Eritrea and the People’s Republic of China.

Speaking at the handing over ceremony in which senior Government and PFDJ officials, the PRC Ambassador and the Chairman of the Chinese Civil Engineering Construction Corporation were present, Mr. Semere Russom, Minister of Education, said that the construction task attests to the existing strong relations between Eritrea and the PRC.

Mr. Yang Zigang, the PRC Ambassador to Eritrea, equally pointed out that the project was a continuation of the existing cooperation between the two countries in different sectors in general and education in particular. He further commended the integrated effort demonstrated on the part of Eritrean and Chinese workers.

Prof. Gebrehiwet Medhanie, Vice President of Academic Affairs at the Eritrean Institute of Technology, stated that the new building will make significant contribution in producing advanced human resource both in quality and quantity.

Similarly, the Chairman of the Chinese Civil Engineering Construction Corporation, Mr. Yuan Li, expressed pride for participating in Eritrea’s national development programs and handed certificates of merit to exemplary Eritrean and Chinese workers.

The seven-block new building was constructed on 37,979 cubic meters and comprises administration rooms, laboratory, conference halls, libraries, and class rooms, among others.

The building has a capacity of accommodating about six thousand students.






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Eritrea: College of Science Educational Renaissance

July 30, 2017, 12:00 am
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Newly Constructed College of Science in Mai Nefhi, Eritrea 



The first phase of the Eritrea Institute of Technology - College of Science new building inauguration and hand-over ceremony was successfully held last Thursday, in the presence of PFDJ higher officials, Ministers, Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China, China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC) representatives and workers, members of the National Commission of Higher Education, Deans, students and invited guests.

When we reached Mai Nefhi 25 km south west of Asmara, the remarkably built new College of Science building greeted us with its fine magnificence, just as we stepped into the compound. Huge, well-built and pleasing to look at it makes one wish for a start of new educational career in it. The various educational infrastructures across the country are living examples of the government’s commitment to upgrading educational standards.

The inauguration and handover ceremony was officially opened with a minute of silence in honor of our martyrs followed by the two nations’ flags rising in front of the new building where everyone stood in the sunny morning in the Mai Nefhi ground. The new building required nearly one hundred Chinese employees and about two hundred Eritrean workers to be finalized. The over 25 million dollar project started on December 2014 by CCECC. The building sits on 18,453 square meters and is designed to have one Library (3floors), two lecture halls and classrooms (both two floors), one Administration and Teachers’ building (four floors), three Laboratories (lab 1 and lab 2 with 3 floors while lab 3 with 2 floors), and one Equipment room (1 floor). Besides this the infrastructure equips underground concrete treatment pool, underground reinforced concrete septic tank, finished equipment pool, outdoor road, square flagpole, parking area, outdoor electric and water works, facilities and furniture.

Dr. Habtay Ghebreweld
Dean of the College
The chairman of CCECC, Mr. Yuan Li, described the building as a mix of classical and modern beauty, coinciding in the temperament of Asmara. The chairman continued conveying his gratitude to the Eritrean and Chinese governments for their trust in CCECC and entrusting such huge project to the corporation and appreciated Eritrean workers’ hard work. He said it wouldn’t be a reality if the workers hadn’t formed the strong friendship they formed with the corporation. Handing over certificate of honor to the workers of the project was given by the chairman.

Following was the Tigrigna- Chinese song presented by the Confucius School which rhymed aboutGhindae and Asmara in the last few years. The educational facilities in Hamelmalo Agricultural College, modern library in EIT colleges and the Adi Keih College are among the other projects constructed by the Chinese government.the partnership of the two nations and caught every invited guest’s attention. Minister of education Mr. Semere Russom, on the occasion, said that since 1993 formal establishment of the relationship between Eritrea and China cultural and educational cooperation has been strengthened and flourishing fast. He further mentioned Chinese institutions of varying academic and professional fields of competence have been giving ample scholarship opportunities of post graduate programs for young Eritrean since 2008. The minister also recognized the development of educational infrastructures by Chinese government such as the three elementary schools built in Mendefera,

Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China in Eritrea, Mr. Yang Zigang, in his inauguration speech, said that the building will be a new symbol of the Sino-Eritrea friendship. Since diplomatic ties between Eritrea and China began the bilateral cooperation of the nations’ has been stronger in politics, economy, culture and education.

The Ambassador further noted that the completion of the project is the latest achievement of the China-Africa “Cultural and People to People Plan” in the “China- Africa Ten Cooperation Plans” and is a proof the two nations are tied together. The completion of the project will upgrade the infrastructure of EIT, improve conditions of study, expand its space and lay pillars of Eritrea’s vibrant growth in education, he added.

Professor Ghebrehiwet, Vice President of EIT, on his side, said the new college will enhance the teaching and learning process both in capacity and quality. The new building is believed to have a capacity of hosting around 6000 students at a time. Currently there are seven departments, 141 staff members and 953 students among which 38 are post graduate.

The Dean of the College, Dr. Habtay Ghebreweld is confident the fully equipped college will be assisted by the ample staff members available. The college of science has been giving services to the colleges of Engineering and Education and freshman programs apart from teaching the students under its guardianship. Considering the facilities currently introduced, there will be an immediate impact in all departments of the College of Science for the reason each department will have a minimum of four laboratories at its disposal which will enable the conduct of practical classes and produce skilled students along with better research ground for the teaching staff. The dean said that it is a symbol of progress and success in the path of education.

As the ceremony approached its end, it was time for the higher officials present on the day to cut the red ribbon and they collectively did so and opened the new College of Science door. At last students and members of the College took a chance for selfies smiling in front of their school.

The Chinese side CCECC is one of the largest contractors of China’s state owned corporations conducting huge projects locally and throughout the African continent. On behalf of the corporation the Chinese Ambassador said that the Chinese side will provide a one year technical support and maintenance services to ensure the college operates smoothly and looks forward for the second and third phase of the Engineering and Education Colleges in the future. The government of Eritrea’s commitment to national development, and particularly investment in education is a long term aim of spreading professionalism among the youth. The renaissance of the Eritrean colleges and education is taking place in an amazing pace and the yield looks promising.
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