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Rumors on Next EPRDF Congress in Mekelle: Convention for Alliancing or Splitting?

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Rumors on Next EPRDF Congress in Mekelle: Convention for Alliancing or Splitting?


By Yosief Abraham Z

Rumors from Addis Ababa and Mekelle affirm of Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) preparation to held massive campaigns in four capitals of the alliance parties. Accordingly, the Oromo Peoples' Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM) and the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front, will held preparatory campaigns in their own respective regions, a path for the critical congress that expect to be held in Mekelle.

Tom Gardner told the African Report that The EPRDF now finds itself at perhaps the most critical juncture in its 30-year history. Relations between the TPLF and its sister parties – the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) and Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement – have never been more fractious than the current status.

With critical junctures on unexpected reverse of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) from a mercenary into possible opposition party, EPRDF has affirmed challenges on how to grip its power. “Replacing the ineffective Hailemariam Desalegn by another Oromo premier is both hallucinatory and probably measurement to act tactically by the EPRDF. But this is a starting way for endless political debacles,” advocate some supporters of the TPLF’s dominance in EPRDF.

“The EPRDF cannot control the country without the OPDO,” told Shimelis Abdissa to the African Report. This regional minister of urban development and a young member of the new OPDO leadership add, “Without the Oromo, there is no Ethiopia. We have to play a proper role.” In addition to replacing the current prime minister, the OPDO members also embolden that the make-up of the 36-member EPRDF politburo should be proportional to the size of each region’s population – rather than nine members for each party, as it is now.

In response to the kaleidoscopic political pressures and expanded acceptance of parties like OPDO, the TPLF executive committee spent two months in a marathon meeting in Mekelle late last year, engaged in what was described as a process of ‘deep renewal’, culminating in the overhaul of its own leadership in early December.

And resulted from this, the TPLF politburo overthrown the role of Azeb Mesfin, Meles’s wife, as conservative custodians of Meles’s legacy. Abay Woldu, the party chairman, was also replaced by Debretsion Gebremichael, a steely and soft-spoken technocrat. “In a candid, remarkably self-flagellating statement released by the new politburo after the meeting, Meles’s name was mentioned only once; the magic of Meles is being questioned. With that man gone, Pandora’s box was opened,” Tom Gardner reports.

With questions of fast economic growth and high inequalities between individuals and regional areas, ethnic-centered and perverted nationalism feelings, struggling between the real and imagined Ethiopia, having the second most employment seeking youth in Africa, challenges by marginalized citizens for majoritarianism political spheres, ethnocracy and oligarchy have been rampant factors that are shaping the trends of the current Ethiopia.

And if the EPRDF reached an agreement to held its decisive congress within the quarter of this year, answering the aforementioned and other core pillars of the nation would be the major aspect. To what extent the party would be victorious in addressing the issues is then going to determine the future of EPRDF at the hand of the TPLF for strong alliance or for defeating split by the coalition party members.
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Yosief Abraham Z is current Executive Director of HorMid Media and Art Center. For any comments, criticisms and questions, you can contact him at josiabraham29@gmail.com



Deep assessment on Eritrea’s stature in cementing pharmaceutical sector of Africa

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Deep assessment on Eritrea’s stature in cementing pharmaceutical sector of Africa

By Yosief Abraham Z

In an effort to establish African Medicines Agency thereby to escalate African pharmaceutical regulatory laws and qualities, Eritrea’s panoptic experiences are under deep assessments. Taking the pragmatic chronicles of Azel Pharmaceuticals and Eritrea Pharmaceuticals Corporation into account, Eritrea’s success in alerting African countries against fraud medicinal supplies, has been vital to the current initiatives thus to wage war on phony produces.

Affirmed that Pharma sector value is expected to reach $45bn by 2020 and is growing at between 6% and 11% per annum in Africa, as China and India are only fuelling the supplies, the new initiative calls on African countries to shift in encouraging the ‘Made in Africa’ efforts. Acknowledged that in Morocco’s Cooper Pharma signed a deal to build a plant to make antibiotics in the Kigali Special Economic Zone in Rwanda, Eritrea’s experience of self-fulfilling efforts during the revolutionary struggle also commended.

Though South Africa’s and Nigeria, preceded by Eritrea, are using their procurement budgets to help local manufacturers, the new African Medicines Regulatory Harmonization (AMRH) program –being overseen by the African Union (AU) and managed by the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development out of South Africa—accentuate of challenges by locals in responding to local demands. Eritrea and Nigeria are therefore, among the countries that advocate for dominant local production, a scheme to ensure qualities of pharmaceutical supplies and to fight counterfeits and products of uncertain origin.

Specified that counterfeit medicinal provisions have been complex quagmires in North and West Africa dominantly, Eritrea’s victory in the health sector is a good lesson to Africa, a continent that represents around 11% of the world’s population and yet estimates to harbor about a quarter of the global disease burden. Unfortunately, the pharma spend still only represents 2% of the global market.

The report even further emphasized that challenges related to quality, price and red tape leave consumers short-changed and local manufacturers struggling to compete with large-scale foreign producers, particularly from China and India. “Eritrea’s chronicles between 1994-2011 are inspiring, particularly on how African countries have to address highly priced drugs and banning any informal sector that engages in supplying medicines and related supplies,” the report concludes.

It is known that Eritrea’s underground hospital in Orotta and its affiliate branches are one of the wonders of African inspiring health infrastructure system. Built by the revolutionary fighters during the struggle for independence, documents affirm of the ‘miraculous’ performances of surgical and other operations back then.
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Yosief Abraham Z is current Executive Director of HorMid Media and Art Center. For any comments, criticisms and questions, you can contact him at josiabraham29@gmail.com

Ethiopia’s Economy System Transcends to Pro or Anti-Poor Polemics

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Mekele market in Tigray, Ethiopia


Ethiopia’s Economy System Transcends to Pro or Anti-Poor Polemics

By Yosief Abraham Z/HorMid

“Ethiopia remains the poster child…and those kinds of jobs will stay for the short and medium term.” Elsie Kanza, 2017 Africa’s World Economic Forum

While Ethiopia’s nominal GDP is registering paramount role in enhancing its economic expansion, unfortunately, the growth has been embattled by controversies. As Indian economy is successful in creating widely differentiated gaps between Maharashtra, the wealthiest Indian state, the Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh, the inequalities in Tigray, Ethiopian Somali region, Afar region and the Benshangul zone has been clear manifestation of possibly dilapidating economy system for Ethiopia.

Taking the facts that while India’s average annual per capita income was $1,410 before some years, it was just $436 in Uttar Pradesh and only $294 in Bihar, one of India’s poorest states, undeniable economy system of Ethiopia has also created doubts on mitigating regional inequalities, a case from which India economy system is suffering.

With recent success in running before Kenya, East Africa’s largest economy power, in very limited sectors, wide regional variations in terms of destitution, accessibility to infrastructure and socio-economic development, income rate gaps among the destitute and the wealthy men, literacy rates between urban and far-flung areas, high rate of unemployment among educated youth, are challenging Ethiopia’s economy growth.

Though Ethiopia has full potency of driving its economy through modern agricultural mechanization, quasi-government forces from Tigray are hobbling such economy development. As a few businesses from Tigray like Mesobo Building Materials Production, Mesfin Industrial Engineering, Addis Pharmaceutical, Guna Trading, Hiwet Agricultural Mechanization, Ezana Mining, Sheba Tannery, Saba Dimensional Stone, Sure Construction and the Endowment Fund for Rehabilitation of Tigray (Effort) have been dominating the economy sphere, reports indicate that regional variations are escalating.

With such facts, Ethiopia economy has created solid ground for doubting if the country’s economy is anti or pro-poor members of the state.

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Yosief Abraham Z is current Executive Director of HorMid Media and Art Center. For any comments, criticisms and questions, you can contact him at josiabraham29@gmail.com

Financial Exchanges Swing in Horn Africa: Outlooks on Banks

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Nakfa currency - Credit: DSWphoto


Financial Exchanges Swing in Horn Africa: Outlooks on Banks

By Yosief Abraham Z

While Eritrea has kept the exchange rate of foreign currency stable, North Sudan is still struggling to curb aggravating factors that have been damaging exchanges rates and foreign currency reserves of the country. In opposite direction of Asmara in defeating the dominancy of black-market provocations on exaggerated and inflation-driving characteristics, Khartoum, however, devalued its currency by 34% against US dollar.

With North Sudan’s aggression on black-market and informal remittances is enhancing, South Sudan has also been in debacles of monetary management by its respective banks. In addition to the possibility by North Sudan to absorb its limited foreign exchanges by devaluing its pound to be 30 against 1 dollar, banks from Kenya and Uganda are also in procedural rows with South Sudan following to the amplified international community measurements of scrutiny through decisive sanctions.

By the time Eritrea’s Nakfa is revalued by 64% in the past six months by defeating the black market indexes from 48-50 Nakfa to 16 Nakfa against 1 dollar, Ethiopia is continuing with 27.17 Birr exchange rate for 1 US dollar. Engulfed by in-equilibrium portions in spending the foreign exchange rates between responding basic supplies and insignificant commodities, debating whether to centralize financial procedures of the private banks, has been another challenge ahead of Ethiopia’s financial road.

Comparatively less eyed by international community moves in an effort to punish peace disruptors in South Sudan, Ethiopia’s banks reserve is in the swamps of abrupt changes. Even when Tanzania banks are under the looms of affecting influences by the moves to promote prevalence of peace in South Sudan, the swings of financial ins and outs in Horn Africa are continuing demonstrating various paths to opportunities and challenges.
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Yosief Abraham Z is current Executive Director of HorMid Media and Art Center. For any comments, criticisms and questions, you can contact him at josiabraham29@gmail.com

Italian Athletics Federation signs an agreement for training in Eritrea

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Marathon runners Meucci, Straneo and Faniel are on a visit



This article was translated from Italian using online software

The Asmara climate, always favorable all year round, could help the Azzurri in preparing for the big events. Marathon runners Meucci, Straneo and Faniel are on a visit

By Corriere

An important agreement was signed on Monday between the Italian Athletics Federation (FIDAL) and the Eritrean government in key Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games. A series of training exchanges and training camps are planned aimed not only at identifying a common path of growth and collaboration for all the figures involved in the project, from the coaches to the physiotherapists, but also to prepare the athletes in the best possible way for the upcoming Summer Olympics.

The City Asmara rises in fact at 2300 meters above sea level and is endowed with a stable climate all year round , therefore it presents the optimal conditions for an intensive training. In these weeks, among other things, there is a federal meeting with the blue marathon runners Daniele Meucci, Valeria Straneo and Eyob Faniel. In 2017,the Eritrean capital was also awarded the prestigious UNESCO World Heritage title by virtue of the Italian colonial architecture of futuristic inspiration and still an example of design and style.

The agreement was signed by the Federal President Alfio Giomi and the Eritrean Sport Commissioner, former Ambassador to Italy, Zemede Tekle Woldetatios, who, after signing, reiterated: "Sport is a universal language capable of alleviating many of the problems affecting the modern world, from poverty to racism. In particular, I welcome this new chapter in the long and deep friendship between our countries, with the hope that we can both benefit from it and lay the foundations for future collaborations ".

ICC Emboldens Somalia against Kenya on Maritime dispute

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ICC Emboldens Somalia against Kenya on Maritime dispute

By Yosief Abraham Z/Nation

Reports affirmed that the International Court of Justice has emboldened Somalia to file a response to a case in which it has sued Kenya over a maritime border. “The court issued this decision taking into account the views of the parties and the circumstances of the case. The subsequent procedure has been reserved for further decision,” said a statement from the court’s registry.

In addition to this, the court announced on Monday that Somalia should respond to Kenya’s claim that the current flow of the border should remain intact by June 18, a time to give Kenya with another six months to poke holes in the response.

Taking into account that Somalia sued Kenya in August 2014 by claiming the border between the two countries should extend diagonally into the sea, south of Kiunga and not eastwards as it is today, fears loom the decision by ICC inn triggering hard fresh arguments. Founded its policy that such moves may affect its sea border with Tanzania, Kenya has been discontent on Somalia’s stance.

Though the current border has existed largely as a result of Presidential Proclamation of 1979, Kenya’s preliminary objections to the court in February of 2017 were dismissed. Kenya had argued that the court lacked jurisdiction and that the two countries had signed a memorandum of understanding to have the matter resolved through the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf, something which Nairobi had claimed was not yet exhausted.

It is recalled that Kenya had—in December of last year—its files before the Court saying the matter can best be handled through the UNCLOS and insisted its continued exploration, fishing and other activity in the disputed area is based on a bilateral decree issued by the countries’ leaders in 1979.

Reports affirm the significance of the area in contest which is about 100,000 square kilometres, forming a triangle east of the Kenyan coast.

Without meaningful change Sudan will descend into chaos

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Sudan's President Omar Hassan al-Bashir gestures during a press conference at the palace in Khartoum, Sudan [Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah/Reuters]



By Ahmed H Adam | Aljazeera

Sudan's political crisis has reached its worst since the coup led by President Omar Hassan al-Bashir in June 1989. The collapsing economy, ongoing armed conflicts between the regime and armed movements in the Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, endemic corruption, and the power struggle within the regime have pushed the country towards a tipping point.

Coupled with current popular protests over the 2018 austerity budget that are gathering momentum across Sudan, these factors create the conditions that will result in one of two scenarios in Sudan: either swift and meaningful change, or descent into chaos and disintegration. Without meaningful domestic, regional and international efforts to facilitate a credible, all-inclusive conference that leads to a fresh political transition, Sudan will be reduced to the latter.

Collapsing economy and a catastrophic budget

Anti-austerity popular protests erupted when the government announced the 2018 budget last month. Economists and financial experts have described the new budget as a "catastrophic" measure that allots 75 percent of the country's funds to the regime's security apparatus and militias.

These experts are not wrong. The new budget has made the lives of average Sudanese citizens unbearable. The prices of basic needs and commodities, including bread, medicine, fuel, and electricity have reached an unprecedented level. The Sudanese currency is losing its value daily - one US dollar, while officially worth 18 Sudanese pounds, is now selling for 42 Sudanese pounds on the black market.

To top this all off, the Central Bank of Sudan is issuing new regulations in a rapid-fire manner. Rather than addressing the collective collapse of the Sudanese commercial markets, national currency and banking system, the government's only response has been printing more money.

Sudan's former finance minister, Abdel Rahim Hamdi, has commented that the government is losing control of the economy and should let the market determine the price of the pound, which would, in turn, encourage foreign investment and reinvigorate the economy.

New wave of popular protests met heavy crackdown

On 16 January, the Sudanese Communist Party led a peaceful demonstration in Khartoum after authorities rejected their request to mobilise and submit a memorandum on the new budget. The protest was joined by Sudan's main opposition groups, youth activists and average citizens.

Since then, other popular protests have mobilised, and not only in Khartoum but also in other cities and regions of Sudan, such as El Obeid, Nyala, Wad Madani and Port Sudan. Mainstream opposition leaders who were criticised for declining to participate in the 2013 protests now say they plan to sustain this momentum until the masses are large enough to defeat this regime.

Unsurprisingly, the regime and security forces have cracked down on both demonstrators and opposition leaders. So far, five civilians have been killed during peaceful protests (a student in Nyala city and four internally displaced residents of the Hasahisa camp in central Darfur), and more than 20 injured.

Dozens of protesters, opposition leaders and journalists, including Mohamed Mukhtar al-Khatib, secretary-general of the Sudanese Communist Party, were arrested by Sudanese security forces on the first day of protests. That list has grown to include journalist Amal Habbani, AFP reporter Abdulmoniem Abu Idriss, deputy leader of the Umma Party Sara Nagdallah and Darfur Bar Association Secretary-General Mohamed Abdallah el-Doma.

During the September 2013 revolt, more than 200 peaceful demonstrators were killed, and there are fears that the regime could resort to a similar brutal crackdown to ensure its survival and stop citizens from mobilising.

Divisions and power struggles within the regime

Political tensions are not limited to the popular protests in Sudan. There is a known rift between Bashir and his long-time confidant, first vice president and prime minister, General Bakri Hassan Saleh, and it continues to widen. Saleh has been rumoured to be the US and some Gulf countries' favoured replacement for Bashir.

Last month, many Sudanese newspapers reported that Ibrahim Ghandour, the foreign minister, had presented his resignation to Bashir, complaining about interference in his ministerial portfolio. However, he withdrew his resignation after reported interventions of some leading figures in the government.

Ongoing power struggles within the government also encouraged parts of the regime's old guard to re-enter the political game from different directions. Former Vice President Ali Osman Taha is angling to help Bashir win the 2020 elections, while the founder of the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) and Bashir's former senior assistant, Nafie Ali Nafie, is forming alliances with Saleh to prevent Bashir (and Taha) from returning to power in 2020.

Hence, in his attempt to prepare the ground for his re-election in 2020, on February 11, 2018, Bashir has re-appointed one of the controversial, divisive and ambitious members of the regime's old guard, General Salah Abdallah (also known as Gosh), as director of the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS). He is a strong supporter of Bashir's re-election in 2020.

Gosh was removed from his post as NISS's director in 2009, and in 2012 he was detained alongside 13 other officers for allegedly plotting a coup against the regime. Nevertheless, he was abruptly released in 2013. In 2006, Gosh was listed by the UN Panel of Experts on Darfur as one of the 17 people responsible for the heinous crimes committed in Darfur. Gosh is also widely perceived as the architect of the collaboration between NISS and the CIA, especially during the period of Bush administration, since the early 2000s.

Who can save Sudan?

Unfortunately, and in typical fashion, regional and international responses to the current heavy crackdown and mass arrest of peaceful demonstrators have been slow and cautious.

Bashir's regime has failed to implement even the reforms it committed to in its own national dialogue - journalists continue to be targeted and Bashir's militias, such as his "personal army", or the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), continue to operate with impunity.

To date, the regime still has no solution to the collapsing economy and austerity budget that are placing an intolerable burden on the Sudanese people. It is evident that Bashir's top priority is to hang on to power at all cost. The Sudanese army, which was once regarded as a unifier of the Sudanese people, can no longer be counted on as guarantor of peace and stability.

Sudan cannot survive like this until the 2020 elections. Bashir's regime will continue to use the army and militias for his own survival. Bashir will also likely exploit the RSF's participation in the Yemen war by asking the Saudis and Emiratis to save his economy. Neither of these tactics offers a permanent solution to Sudan's problems.

Peace talks between the Sudanese government and Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM/N) facilitated by the African Union High-Level Panel of Implementation (AUHIP) in Addis Ababa earlier this month failed to reach any deal on a cessation of hostilities or humanitarian access to the South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, and were neither inclusive nor comprehensive.

Bashir is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide in Darfur, yet, under the Obama administration, the US welcomed rapprochement with Sudan to collaborate on counterterrorism and migration. Under the Trump administration, the US has removed 20-year-old sanctions on Sudan to continue the rapprochement policy initiated by Obama.

In short, despite the gravity of the situation, the international community lacks a unified, coherent and practical strategy to put Sudan on a more stable political and economic path. Economists such as Professor Hamid El-Tigani Ali of the American University in Cairo believe the Sudanese economy will completely collapse within a few months if there is no urgent plan to save it.

Over the next few months, popular protests will continue, particularly with opposition and youth activists gaining more confidence in the power of mobilisation. But despite Sudanese demands for reform, disorderly change would have a serious impact on citizens and the economy, as well as on regional and international peace and security. The only successful Sudanese scenario would include swift, inclusive and meaningful democratic transition with clear benchmarks.

Key regional and international players must swiftly push for the appointment of a credible and capable international envoy with a clear mandate to facilitate an all-inclusive national conference. There is no other way for Sudan to avoid chaos and disintegration.

The international community should stop shying away from its moral and legal obligations; they must pressure the Sudanese government to release all political detainees and guarantee fundamental freedoms, as well as insist that the Sudanese government comply with international human rights laws in Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile.


Experts glance on the least studied Red Sea’s dolphins and whales

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Red Sea dolphins


Experts glance on the least studied Red Sea’s dolphins and whales

By Yosief Abraham Z

“What worries me most is that the Red Sea is crossed by a huge amount of ship traffic carrying oil. It is a key strategic channel: an estimated 4% of global oil supply passes through it. The proportion sounds small, but it represents a vast amount of oil. A major accident would be disastrous for marine life in the narrow Red Sea,” asserts Giuseppe Notarbartolo di Sciara, one of the region’s most respected marine mammal specialists.

In a briefed interview he held with David Obura from The University of Queensland, the expert clarifies that while huge progress has been made globally in enriching ecological knowledge of marine mammals, this hasn’t been the case for the Red Sea. “With the exception of dugongs, very little is known about the Red Sea’s mammals. This is one of the main reasons we put this report together, conducting and collating research from 1983 to 2017,” Mr. Giuseppe adds.

On the presence of large cetaceans—a collective name for dolphins and whales—the expert and his group emphasize that the Red Sea is better for smaller dolphin species like spinner dolphins and pan-tropical spotted dolphins. The report additionally articulates that the spinner dolphins take advantage of a community of smaller critters living in what scientists call the deep scattering layer, a critical source of food for the dolphins to tap into in an otherwise poor marine environment.

In answering, what critical threats are now looming on the cetaceans, Mr. Giuseppe accentuates that disturbance by tourists on the southern coast of Egypt and administration hobbles across many shores that have been resulting into leaving the entire reef area to be taken over by people as critical threats.

After paying his glance on Yemeni fisheries, the specialist testifies, “in terms of fishing, I’m aware of situations in which particularly Yemeni fishermen travel widely across the Red Sea to hunt sharks for the Far East fin trade. I know that they have been using dolphin meat as bait for catching sharks. But we really don’t know how big this practice is or its impact on dolphin populations.”

Regarding to collaborative scheme thus to mitigate the easily discernable looms, the report by the expert called for strong cooperation among the Red Sea bordering countries. “It would be great to have a model in the Red Sea similar to the one applied in the Mediterranean and Black Seas. Since 2002, there has been an agreement between most countries bordering those seas. It commits the coastal countries to protecting those seas’ cetaceans.”

It is recalled that the International Union for Conservation of Nature has already established a task force thereby to identify areas that are critical for some aspect of a species life, embracing feeding, breeding or migrating. This task force, which is already in the process of identifying mammal areas in large portions of the southern hemisphere, plans to do similar environment protecting schemes in the Red Sea in 2019.
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Yosief Abraham Z is current Executive Director of HorMid Media and Art Center. For any comments, criticisms and questions, you can contact him at josiabraham29@gmail.com



Eritrea wins Elite Men’s TTT for a record 8th consecutive time

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Eritrea claimed the much anticipated race of the day, Elite Men’s TTT for a record 8th consecutive time since 2011. The junior men’s team of Eritrea also struck another gold in junior men’s TTT fray and silver in elite women’s category.



Rwanda, Eritrea dominate Day 1 of continental race

By Richard Bishumba | NewTimes

Host Rwanda and Eritrea dominated day one of the 14th African Continental Road Championship in the Team Time Trial (TTT), yesterday.

The two cycling giants won a combined seven medals out of eleven medals that were up for grabs. Rwanda won four while Eritrea claimed three, including two gold medals.

Rwandan riders bagged gold in the junior women’s category, silver in elite men and junior men, as well as bronze in elite women. Archrivals Eritrea struck gold medals in elite men and junior men, and silver in elite women.

The U23 & elite men’s Team Time Trial, the biggest and last event of the day, saw Eritrea’s quartet of Saymon Mehari Musie, Mekseb Debesay, Amanuel Werkilul Ghebreigzabhier and Eyob Metkel stretch the country’s dominance in Team Time Trial to a record 8th consecutive win in the annual continental championship.

Sterling Magnell’s Team Rwanda, which was comprised of Adrien Niyonshuti, Joseph Areruya, Jean Bosco Nsengimana and Valens Ndayisenga, finished second to win silver while last year’s silver medalists Algeria walked away with bronze.

In an exclusive interview with Times Sport, a disappointed Team Rwanda’s Areruya said, “It is unfortunate that we didn’t win gold. We had the win in sight but sadly Nsengimana suffered a bike puncture. Thankfully, we took silver. We have to keep a positive mentality and remain focused in races ahead. Congratulations to Eritrea for the 8th consecutive title milestone.”

In elite women’s category, Ethiopia dethroned Eritrea to win gold while hosts Rwanda finished in third position to settle for bronze.

The championship resumes today with Individual Time Trial (ITT) in four different age and gender categories; elite men, elite women, junior men and junior female race respectively.

The U23 & elite men and their female counterparts will race against time over a 40km distance from Nyanza, Kicukiro to Golden Tulip Nyamata in Nyamata and return to Nyanza. Juniors, boys and girls, will cover 18.6km.

Last year at the 13th edition staged in Egypt, Eritrea’s Meron Teshome claimed gold in elite men’s ITT while Aurelie Halbwachs of Mauritius snatched gold in elite women’s category.


Individual Time Trial (ITT)

Junior men’s ITT (18.6km) – 8:30am-9:45am

Junior women’s ITT (18.6km) – 8:50am-9:45am

Elite women’s ITT (40km) – 9:30am-11:10am

Elite men’s ITT (40km) – 10:20am-12:30pm

Wednesday, Team Time Trial (TTT)

U23 & Elite men, top 3

1. Eritrea

2. Rwanda

3. Algeria


U23 & elite women, top 3


1. Ethiopia

2. Eritrea

3. Rwanda

Junior men, top 3

1. Eritrea

2. Rwanda

3. Namibia

Junior women

1. Rwanda

2. Burundi.


Eritrea won Gold, Rwanda settled for silver and Algeria won Bronze medals in elite men
category during the ongoing African Championship.


Juniors men category: Eritrea won Gold, Rwanda Silver and Namibia took Bronze.

Women Elite Category: Ethiopia won Gold, Eritrea won Silver and Rwanda took Bronze.

Ethiopian prime minister resigns after mass protests

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Hailemariam Desalegn resigns from his ceremonial PM position. 


By TheGuardian

Ethiopia’s prime minister has submitted a letter of resignation in a surprise move that comes amid protracted anti-government protests.

The resignation of Hailemariam Desalegn, who has been in power since 2012, was reported by the state-affiliated broadcaster Fana on Thursday and follows a nationwide state of emergency last year. His stepping down is unprecedented in the east African country.

Hundreds of people have died in violence sparked initially by an urban development plan for the capital, Addis Ababa. The unrest spread in 2015 and 2016 as demonstrations against political restrictions and human rights abuses broke out.

“Unrest and a political crisis have led to the loss of lives and displacement of many,” Hailemariam said in a televised address to the nation. “I see my resignation as vital in the bid to carry out reforms that would lead to sustainable peace and democracy.”

The letter was accepted by the executive committee of Hailemariam’s party, the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement, as well as the wider ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), state-backed media said.

His resignation will be confirmed once the full EPRDF council meets.

In a short statement, Hailemariam said he was not quitting politics, but wanted to continue his work to reform Ethiopia. “My decision is to be part of the ongoing reform programmes,” he said, according to Fana, which added: “The prime minister said he tried his utmost effort to solve the crisis in his country and he is resigning now to be part of a solution to it.”

Hailemariam, previously a low-profile politician and technocrat, succeeded the former Marxist rebel Meles Zenawi, under whom he had served as deputy prime minister and foreign minister.

In 2015, months of anti-government demonstrations spread across Ethiopia, prompting parliament to declare a 10-month nationwide state of emergency in October 2016. This quelled the worst of the violence, but periodic uprisings still occur.

This week, disenchanted young men blocked roads and businesses stayed closed in and around Addis Ababa.

In an attempt to ease tensions, the government last month began issuing a string of pardons and releasing prisoners after Hailemariam said jailed “politicians” would be freed “to improve the national consensus and widen the democratic platform”.

Ethiopia’s government has long been accused of arresting journalists and opposition leaders. Rights organisations and opposition groups have called for those held to be released, saying they were arrested on trumped-up charges and punished for their points of view.

Hailemariam said he would stay on as prime minister in a caretaker capacity until the EPRDF and the country’s parliament accepted his resignation and named a new premier.

Eritrea's Mekseb Debesay and his sister Mosana Debesay win the Elite Men & Women ITT

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Team Eritrea's Mekseb Debesay and his sister Mosana Debesay win the Elite Men & Women ITT 


This article was translated from French using online software


By David Kalfa

Mekseb Debesay and his sister Mosana Debesay were respectively crowned champions of Africa in the men's and women's individual time trial on February 15, 2018 in Kigali. New success for this Eritrean family of cyclists.

This is unprecedented in the history of the African Road Cycling Championships and probably very rare in the world of cycling: an older brother and his younger sister were indeed crowned continental champions the same day.

Eritrean Mekseb Debesay and his sister Mosana Debesay respectively won the men's and women's individual time trials (cmi) on 15 February 2018 in Kigali.

"We dreamed about it last week!"

Mekseb beat Rwandans Jean Bosco Nsengimana and Joseph Areruya in men, while Mosana was better than Ethiopian Selam Amha and Eyeru Gebru.

" It's a fantastic day ," Mekseb Debesay marveled at Olivier Pron, RFI's special correspondent for Rwanda. Double champions with my sister! These are two titles for the family! We dreamed about it last week! (Laughter) Because last June, we had already been one and the other champions of our country, Eritrea [individual time trial, Editor's note] . Now, with her again, we are champions of Africa! I am so happy. Our parents are proud of us. And we have brothers. So, the whole family is happy! "

A family of winners

The Debesay are indeed regular podiums since it is the second title in Rwanda for Mekseb, after the team time trial won by Eritrea. The Dimension Data resident also won in the same category in 2015 and 2016, in addition to the bronze in the 2016 online race.

Mosana, she had to settle for bronze with other Eritreans in 2015 and 2016 before taking revenge in 2017, with gold. The 24-year-old had also won the silver medal behind Mauritian Aurélie Halbwachs in 2017 against the individual time trial.

Not bad for Meseb and Mosana who mimic their 31-year-old brother. Fregalsi Debesay has been the African time trial champion three times (2010, 2011, 2012) and took the bronze in the 2012 online race. A family of "winners", in short, who There are two brothers, Jacob and Kindishih.


Eritrea: Education for Social Justice and Social Cohesion

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School children in Asmara (Credit: Hizbawi Menghisteab‏)


Education for Social Justice and Social Cohesion
Simon Weldemichael
Adi Keih College of Arts and Social Sciences


In order for an educational system to be beneficial, it must strive to equip citizens with knowledge, skills and attitudes for tackling societal problems and to enable people to know, appreciate and develop the culture of the country. It must also aim to develop in each citizen an inquiring open mind and the confidence in one’s own ability to learn and contribute to the society. Education should be of relevance to the society and every educated individual must serve the society. Education has to foster the social goals of living and working together for common goals.

Education in Eritrea is a fundamental human right and a lifelong process by which all individuals are given opportunities to attain their potential as well-rounded citizens. The national education policy of Eritrea has stated that since Eritrea's greatest asset is its people, revitalizing citizens with relevant education and training is the only means by which the overall socio-economic development of the country can be achieved. The general objectives of the educational policy of Eritrea include to produce skilled and knowledgeable citizens, to teach a sense of commitment to self-reliance and self-consciousness to fight poverty and to make education accessible to all. Eritrea is spending large sums of money on educating the youth so that in the future they may make large returns to the country.

The government of Eritrea pursued a correct (although demanding) policy to address education for all by spreading it to all parts of the country. As a result, the education sector has undergone significant improvements to reach the previously unreached areas. The government’s determination to expand education and make it free and accessible to all citizens is special in Africa. Education in Eritrea is free and has enabled young citizens to be beneficiaries, helped eradicate illiteracy and backwardness, and has improved the health conditions of the society. Education and other community services together have instilled a sense of commitment on Eritrean youth to the general society. Innocent Sanga has perfectly described the reality of Eritrea’s educated youth in another context; “In the allegory of the mountain, those who climb the mountain of knowledge to the apex and manage to come back to the valley of challenges become the source of liberation for the illiterate societal members towards the realization of their political, social, economic, psychological, health and other related problems” (2017, 3). The education policy of Eritrea liberates the individual and society from the chains of backwardness, ignorance, neo-colonialism, diseases and all forms of exploitation.

Eritrea is a diverse country consisting of nine ethno-linguistic groups. During the British administration, the educational policy was designed to “divide and rule”, specifically separating Eritreans along religious lines. Chefena et al., in their article “Multilingualism and Nation Building: Language and Education in Eritrea” state that, “The British grand strategy to partition Eritrea …was drawn up so as to inflame religious animosity between Christians and Moslems to the point that no unity among Eritreans seeking independence would become possible.” Following Ethiopia’s annexation, the Amharic language was imposed on Eritrea so as to weaken the educational and cultural foundations of Eritrea. Ethiopia and other colonizers have attempted everything they can to colonize and exploit Eritreans and to destroy Eritrean identity. When the liberation struggle started, the EPLF made a counter initiative to correct and to uproot the adverse and vile activities instituted by colonizers. The current Eritrean educational language policy has its ideological roots in the EPLF’s National Democratic Programmes. At the second national congress in 1987, it was outlined that the mother tongue would be a medium of instruction in elementary (EPLF 1987, 70). In keeping with the experience of the liberation struggle and the linguistic diversity of Eritrean society, the government seeks to ensure equality to all groups and languages, so as to promote integration and cohesion. Eritrea’s national education policy (2003) stipulates that “the language of instruction at pre-school and elementary levels will be the child’s mother tongue. In multi-ethnic/multi-lingual school environments, the medium of instruction would be the language of the majority of residents of the particular area where the school is situated. The medium of instruction for the middle school level and above is English for all schools that adhere to the standards set by the MOE” (2003, 11). The failure to provide mother tongue teaching is a form of discrimination that can perpetuate inequality. Beyond the issue of social rights, to be educated by one’s mother tongue is pedagogically effective for the learner. UNESCO has often suggested that Africa is the only continent where the majority of children start school using a language the child cannot speak at home.

The language policy within education has its origins in the principle of equality of languages. Using the mother tongue as a medium of instruction “embodies an appropriate balance between the reinforcement of the learner’s own identity and cultural continuity and the acquisition of a language offering wider communication and opportunity” (National Curriculum Framework, 2009, 56). The elementary education curriculum has been developed and implemented in all nine Eritrean languages and instructional materials have been produced in all these languages.

Eritrea is determined to ensure social justice centered on a fair distribution of resources and services that give citizens equitable opportunities. Likewise, education as a social service is made all inclusive and the government is working towards realizing equitable educational opportunities to all citizens, regardless of their background (ethnicity, gender, socio-economic level, religion, etc.). Aware of needs for socio-economic development, the government works towards the elimination of gender disparities at all levels of the education system. Sustainable socio-economic development cannot be realized without the full participation of women. Comprehensive efforts have been made at all levels to eliminate gender disparities. The national policy of education indicates clearly that sustainable development cannot be realized without the full and equal participation of all groups in society. Supportive programmes to help socially disadvantaged groups and other populations, such as the physically disabled, nomads, semi-nomads, and others, have been implemented so as to promote equality in educational opportunity. The educational policy of Eritrea reflects the government’s view of education as a human right and as a pillar of social justice. Every citizen has the full right to education and special attention has been paid to disadvantaged sections of the society.

Expansion of education for the remote areas has been a primary focus of the government. In December 2008, the Ministry of Education conducted a National Workshop on Nomadic Education and drafted a nomadic education policy and initiated pilot interventions (UNICEF 2012). This expansion of education enhances access to females, the disabled and vulnerable children. Bringing schools closer to the homes of the students contributes to increased enrolment and reduced dropout rates. The comprehensive efforts have improved the enrolment of women and students from remote areas in all levels of education, including vocational and tertiary levels of education. In Eritrea, the issue of gender gaps and social exclusion are solved through the spread of education.

Eritrea’s emphasis on social justice is clearly articulated in the educational policy which states that “Our education system aspires to produce all round citizens along with a firm commitment to country, people and social justice. This aspiration includes the development of creative and productive individuals who are capable of contributing towards the attainment of a modern, competitive, harmonious and self-reliant Eritrea.” The overall expenditure on education is very high. For example, the government spent a total of 1,036.4 million in 2011 alone (Education Sector Development Plan 2013-2017, 5). This figure has grown exponentially, as enrolment figures have skyrocketed since then. Social justice in education means the provision of equitable access to relevant education and that those enrolled are retained to complete a certain level of education. Those disadvantaged in any way will be supported to complete their education by various means of affirmative action as a temporary measure until a level playing field is created. Social justice requires that there should be equality of results among learners from the educational opportunities open to all. Equity is therefore an enduring commitment of Eritrea (2013, 31-32).

The nation building of Eritrea is anchored on the principle of self-reliance, social justice and unity in diversity. The educational policy of Eritrea reflects those principles. The National Charter of Eritrea states that “Education is the foundation of development. To provide equal opportunity for educational opportunity means to provide equal opportunity for development.” We can only develop through self-reliance and full participation of the people. As noted, Eritrea’s reliable resource is its people. Therefore, giving training and education for the people is imperative to ensure sustainable development. Furthermore, the expansion of education and the equal participation of the population reinforce the national unity of Eritreans. The full participation of the society in education widened the room for social integration and enabled every citizen to be included. The inclusion of citizenship education in the curriculum also is beneficial in way to cultivate national and cultural pride in learners.

Education is a fundamental right to which every Eritrean is entitled. The Ministry of Education has worked toward the vision of no child left behind. The expansion of educational opportunities avoids social exclusion and marginalization in the society, and promotes social cohesion and national integration. In Eritrea, significant progress has been made in distributing national wealth through the expansion of educational and health services as part of the commitment of the government to ensure social justice. The aspirations of Eritrea’s education system include developing productive and confident individuals that channel their knowledge towards a socially harmonious and self-reliant country.

Ethiopia to declare three month state of emergency as of today

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By AddisStandard

The Council of ministers is set to declare a state of emergency for three months as of this morning, a source close to the government told Addis Standard. The military will be in charge via a command post, which will be “reporting to the Prime Minister,” according to our source.

The move follows yesterday’s resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn both as Prime Minister, Chairman of EPRDF and his own party, the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM).

Initially, there there was a “strong push” against the decision from members of two of the parties that make up the EPRDF: the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO) and the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the two parties that govern Oromia and Amhara regional states, according to our source. However, “the state of emergency will be declared this morning as the security situation in the country is getting volatile,” said the source.

Details of parts of the civilian constitution to be suspended will be announced at the end of the ministerial council’s meeting, but it is likely to be not much different than the October 2016 nine month state of emergency, which was extended by additional four months.

The “government will submit the decision to national parliament within the next 15 days,” our source said, adding the delay to table the decision to the parliament was because the parliament is currently in mid-term recess.

The state of emergency is to be declared amidst increasing power struggle, especially between the OPDO and ANDM, to replace the outgoing Prime Minister.

Ethiopia: Final Days of the Regime

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Oromo protesters demonstrate in the Ethiopian town of Bishoftu on October 1. (Zacharias Abubeker/AFP/Getty Images)


Ethiopia: Final Days of the Regime


By Graham Peebles  

Under relentless popular pressure the Ethiopian Prime-Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, has been forced to resign, other members of the government are expected to follow. In his resignation speech he acknowledged that, ”unrest and a political crisis have led to the loss of lives and displacement of many,” Reuters reports. ‘Loss of lives’ of innocent Ethiopians at the hands of TPLF security personnel to be clear. “I see my resignation as vital in the bid to carry out reforms that would lead to sustainable peace and democracy.”

This is a highly significant step in what may prove to be the total collapse of the ruling party. It has been brought about by the peaceful movement for democratic change that has swept across the country since late 2005. Protests began in Oromia triggered by an issue over land and political influence and spread throughout the country.

A little over a month ago, former Prime-Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, announced that the government would release ‘some political prisoners’, in order, Al Jazeera reported, “to improve the national consensus and widen the democratic space.” Since then a relatively small number of falsely imprisoned people (some western media claim 6,000 but this is unconfirmed – nobody knows the exact number, probably hundreds, not thousands) have been released, including some high profile figures (Merera Gudina, chairman of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress, Journalist Eskinder Nega and opposition leader Andualem Arage for example). Many of those set free are in extremely poor health due to the ill treatment and, in some cases, torture suffered in prison.

Despite these positive moves and the ex-Prime-Minister’s liberal sounding rhetoric, the methodology of the ruling party has not fundamentally changed: the TPLF dominated government continues to trample on human rights and to kill, beat and arrest innocent Ethiopians as they exercise their right to public assembly and peaceful protest.

The total number killed by regime forces since protests erupted in November 2015 is unclear: hundreds definitely (the government itself admits to 900 deaths), tens of thousands probably. A million people (Oromo/Somali groups) according to the United Nations have been displaced – due to government-engineered ethnic conflict – and are now in internal displacement camps (IDP’s) or are simply homeless. Tens of thousands have been falsely imprisoned without due process; their ‘crime’ to stand up to the ruling party, to dissent, to cry out for democracy, for freedom, for justice and an end to tyranny.

All ‘political’ prisoners, including opposition party members (British citizen Andergachew Tsige e.g.), and journalists, should, as Amnesty International rightly states, “be freed immediately and unconditionally………as they did nothing wrong and should never have been arrested in the first place.” Not only should all political prisoners be released forthwith, but the laws utilized to arrest and imprison need to be dismantled, and the judicial system — currently nothing more that an arm of the TPLF – freed from political control.

The primary weapons of suppression are the 2009 Anti-Terrorist Proclamation and The Charities and Societies Proclamation. Draconian legislation both, allowing the ruling party to detain anyone expressing political dissent in any form, to use torture and information elicited during torture to be used in evidence — all of which is illegal under the UN Convention against Torture, which the Ethiopian Government signed, and ratified in 1994.

Unstoppable Movement for Change

The release of a small number (relative to the total) of political prisoners and the resignation of the Prime Minister does not alter the approach of the government or their brutal method of governance. It is simply a cynical attempt by the TPLF to subdue the movement for change and to appease international voices demanding human rights be upheld.

Arrests and killings by TPLF security personnel continue unabated. Reports are numerous, the situation on the ground changing daily, hourly: At the end of January, soldiers from the Agazi force arrested an estimated 500 people in northern Ethiopia reports independent broadcaster, ESAT News. In Woldia (also in the north), TPLF soldiers forced “detainees [to] walk on their knees over cobblestones. They [TPLF soldiers] have also reportedly beaten residents including children and pregnant women.” These arrests follow the killing of 13 people in the town; “several others were killed in Mersa, Kobo and Sirinka.” And the BBC Amharic service relates that six people were killed at the Hamaressa IDP camp for internally displaced persons (IDP) (according to UNOCHA Hamaressa IDP camp was home to over 4,000 people internally displaced by the Oromo-Somali disputes) in Eastern Ethiopia. The victims were protesting against the appalling conditions in the camp and demanding they be allowed to go back to their villages when they were shot.

No matter how many people are killed, falsely imprisoned and beaten, the movement for lasting democratic change will not be put down. The principle target of protestors and activists is the dominant faction within the EPRDF coalition, the TPLF, or Woyane (relating to men from the Tigray region), as it is known. This small group took power in 1991 and has controlled all aspects of life in the country including the judiciary, the army, the media and the sole telecommunication supplier (enabling the regime to limit internet access and monitor usage) ever since. The issues driving the protests are broad, interconnected and fundamental; the fact that Ethiopia is a single party state in all but name; the wholesale abuse of human rights; the lack of freedoms of all kinds; the partisan distribution of employment, businesses, and aid; the regime’s dishonesty and corruption; state orchestrated violence false imprisonment and torture.

The people will no longer live under the suffocating blanket of intimidation that has stifled them for the last 27 years, and are demanding fundamental change, calling on the government to step down and for ‘fair and open’ democratic elections. Until now the regime’s response has been crude and predictable; rooted in force, shrouded in arrogance and unwilling to respond to the demands of the people, the government consistently falls back on the only strategy it knows: violence and intimidation; as the people march in unison, the regime unleashes its uniformed thugs. But whereas in the past fear kept people silent, now they are filled with the Fire of Freedom and Justice; they may well be frightened, but in spite of the threats more and more people are acting, engaging in organized acts of civil disobedience (stay-at-home protests) and taking to the streets in demonstration against the regime. Gatherings of thousands of people, innocent men and women, young and old, who refuse any longer to cower to the bully enthroned in Addis Ababa. And with every protestor the regime kills, beats and imprisons the Light of Unity glows a little brighter the resolution of the people strengthens, social cohesion grows.

The demand for change is of course not limited to Ethiopia; throughout the world large groups are coming together demanding freedom and social justice, cooperation and unity; the reactionary forces resist, but it is a global movement that, while it may be denied for a time, cannot be stopped. The TPLF is in chaos, their tyranny is coming to an end, they may cling on to power for a while yet, a few months, a year or two perhaps, but even if they remain in office their hold over the population is at an end. The Ethiopian people have a common foe, a unified cause, a shared purpose. The TPLF is the foe, the cause is their removal and the purpose is to bring lasting democratic change to Ethiopia, and no matter what the regime does, this time they will not be stopped.


Ethiopian PM departure brings no change, opposition says

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Merera Gudina, leader of the Oromo Federalist Congress party waves to his supporters after his release from prison in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia January 17, 2018. REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri


By AFP

Ethiopia’s opposition reacted cautiously on Friday a day after the surprise resignation of the prime minister, warning it did not herald real change since the ruling party remains in power.

Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn resigned on Thursday after weeks of anti-government demonstrations and growing splits within the country’s ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition.

With the EPRDF and its allies controlling every seat in parliament, it is unclear what difference Hailemariam’s departure will make, said prominent opposition leader Merera Gudina, chairman of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC).

“What the people are demanding is fundamental change,” Merera told AFP, saying that Hailemariam’s departure was a matter of internal party politics. “So the change of an individual is really the homework for the EPRDF, not the people of Ethiopia.”

However, Merera said he was “cautiously optimistic,” that Hailemariam’s departure could offer an opening for them.

“There are, after all, possibilities… to move forward,” Merera said.

“The EPRDF as an organisation has a serious problem and really blocked the democratisation of the Ethiopian state and society — and is really responsible for many of its crisis,” he added.

Hailemariam will remain in office until parliament and the EPRDF coalition confirm his resignation from the most powerful post in Africa’s second most-populous nation.

It remains unclear if his successor will be sympathetic to the protesters’ grievances, or return Ethiopia to the authoritarian governing style of Hailemariam’s predecessor Meles Zenawi, who led the rebels that ousted dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991.

Merera was released from jail in January, when the government began pardoning and dropping charges against hundreds of prisoners including many high-profile dissidents.

Hailemariam said it was a way “to improve the national consensus and widen the democratic platform”.

The OFC chairman’s release was a key demand of dissidents from the Oromo people, whose campaign of anti-government protests that began in December 2015 are seen as a key reason why Hailemariam resigned.

The protests were quelled after Ethiopia imposed a 10-month state of emergency in October 2016, but hundreds of people died in the uprisings, and violence continues to occur sporadically, particularly in the two protest hotbeds, Oromia and Amhara regions.

Earlier this week, young men wielding sticks and stones blocked roads leading out of the capital Addis Ababa and businesses shut in Oromia.


Eritrea Dominates Junior, Women Road Races

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Eritrean youngsters Biniam Hailu and compatriot Tomas Yosief win gold and silver in junior men’s category in a two-man sprint finish.


Eritrea Dominates Junior, Women Road Races

By Bonnie Mugabe | KTPress

African Cycling Giants Eritrea dominated Saturday’s junior and women road races to extend their medal triumphant at the ongoing 13th African Continental Road Championship.

The 13th Africa’s biggest annual cycling event got underway on Wednesday and will run through toFebruary 18 in Rwanda’s capital, Kigali.

On Saturday, riders were in contention for junior men and women and elite women and U-23 category honours with the day ending in favour of the Eritreans as they won a total seven medals.

It was an all-Eritrean podium finish in male category and gold in junior women’s fray as the Eritreans stretched the medal haul for Africa’s top cycling nation to 13 medals, of which eight are gold pieces, 2 silver and 4 bronze medals respectively.

Eritrean youngster Biniam Hailu clinched gold in junior men’s category in a two-man sprint finish with compatriot Tomas Yosief. Both used one hour, 56 minutes and 43 seconds to cover the 84km distance. Hager Mesfin, also from Eritrea, finished third to win bronze.

In junior women’s road race, 17-year old Desiet Kidane of Eritrea bagged a gold to make it two gold medals on her name after winning the Individual Time Trial (ITT) accolade on Thursday. Ethiopia’s duo of Tsadkan Kasahun and Zayid Hailu finished second and third respectively.

The 2018 newly crowned champions Biniam replaces last year’s winner Hamza Mansouri of Algeria while Kidane dethroned Ethiopian Haftu Hailu Zayd who claimed last year’s title in junior women’s road race.

In the elite women and U-23 category which covered 84km, Eritrean Ghebremeskel Bisrat won the race in 02h46’31” followed by Ethiopian Beyene Tsega finished second with Eritrean Debesay Mosana bagging bronze medal in 02h46’38”.

In the women U-23 Road Race, Ethiopian Gebru Eyeru Tesfoam won the contest in 02h46’38”, followed by Eritrean Gebrehiwet Tigisti while Ethiopian Amha Selam bagged bronze in 02h46’46”.

After the third day of the African Continental Road Championship, Eritrea tops the medal standings with 17 medals including nine gold, three silver and five bronze medals.

Ethiopia is ranked second with 13 medals (three gold, seven silver and three bronze) while Rwanda is third with eight medals (two gold, four silver and two bronze).

Burundi has one gold medal in fourth spot followed by Namibia who have one bronze and Algeria with one bronze.

So far only six nations; Eritrea, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Burundi, Algeria and Namibia out of 23 countries in competition, have managed to win at least one medal. Some of the usual suspects such as South Africa, Morocco and Egypt are yet to win a single medal in Kigali.

The championship will conclude on Sunday with elite men’s road race.

Africa Continental Road Championship

Day Three Results

Women Junior Road Race (48km)
  1. Kidane Desiet (Eritrea)01h32’26”
  2. Kasahun Tsadkan (Ethiopia)01h36’05” 03’39”
  3. Hailu Zayid (Ethiopia)01h36’05”

Men Junior Road Race (72km)
  1. Hailu Biniam (Eritrea)01h56’43”
  2. Yosief Tomas (Eritrea)01h56’43”
  3. Mesfin Hager (Eritrea)01h59’42” 02’59”

Women Elite Road Race (84km)
  1. Ghebremeskel Bisrat (Eritrea)02h46’31”
  2. Beyene Tsega (Ethiopia)02h46’38” 07”
  3. Debesay Mosana (Eritrea)02h46’38”

Women U-23 Road Race (84km)
  1. Gebru Eyeru Tesfoam (Ethiopia)02h46’38” ”
  2. Gebrehiwet Tigisti (Eritrea)02h46’38” ”
  3. Amha Selam (Ethiopia)02h46’46” 15”
Medal Count
  1. Eritrea: 17 (9 gold, 3 silver, 5 bronze)
  2. Ethiopia : 13 (3 gold, 7 silver, 3 bronze)
  3. Rwanda: 8 (2 gold, 4 silver, 2 bronze)
  4. Burundi: 1 (silver)
  5. Namibia: 1 (bronze)
  6. Algeria: 1 (bronze)



Indian Ocean Newsletter: Another False Eritrea Story

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Indian Ocean Newsletter: Another False Story

In its 16 February Publication (No 1468) this week, the Indian Ocean Newsletter (ION) falsely claims that “talks are underway between Eritrea and Ethiopia to resolve the border dispute”.

The Newsletter goes on to say: “… Official communications between the two countries had already begun in the greatest secrecy and a meeting had been planned between the Eritrean President Issayas Afwerki and the former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn…who stepped down yesterday”.

To imbue credibility to this hoax, “exclusively obtained”, story, ION produces a list of personalities and “accredited figures” who have presumably launched “personal initiatives” towards this end.

It is not the first time for the ION to indulge in innuendos, and/or to publish utterly fictitious news and analysis on Eritrea and the region as a whole. The timing of this particular disinformation however raises questions of ulterior motive.

Be that as it may, the MOI advises the ION to give some respect to its readers and desist from disseminating hoax news for trite reasons of sensationalization or other sinister agendas.

Ministry of Information
Asmara
17 February 2018

Ethiopia at a dangerous crossroads [Video]

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By Aljazeera

Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn's surprise resignation came after sustained anti-government protests in the East African country.

While the government considers who will take his place, it has imposed a state of emergency for the next six months.

Ethiopia is the second most populous country in the African continent, with 100 million people in more than 40 ethnic groups.

The two largest groups, the Oromo and the Amhara, make up around two-thirds of all Ethiopians.

Tigrayans account for just six percent of the population but they dominate politics and the security forces.

It is a 25-year-old arrangement but one that is causing a great deal of resentment among the other groups.

So, what's next for Ethiopia?

Presenter: Martine Dennis

Guests:

Harry Verhoeven - visiting scholar at Cambridge University

Mohamed Ademo - founder and editor of OPride.com, an independent news website about Oromo and Ethiopia

Ethiopia on The Edge of a Cliff and Washington at Bay

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Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuter



Ethiopia on The Edge of a Cliff and Washington at Bay


By Amanuel Biedemariam | Awetnayu.com

Ethiopia is on the brink of disaster. The latest saga, the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn(HD) is adding fuel to the upheaval rocking the nation from inside out.

Former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn was insignificant while in power. In 2010, in a surprising move, the late PM Meles Zenawi appointed Hailemariam Desalegn Deputy PM. Desalegn served on that position until 2012 when he became the PM following the death of Meles Zenawi.

For a while, it was uncertain if the minority Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), will allow outsider like Desalegn to become prime minister. The TPLF runs the country under the guise of EPRDF, a coalition of the various ethnic groups of Ethiopia. It is a puppet parliamentary structure they set up to enable them to claim Ethiopia is run by a federal arrangement representing all ethnic groups.

Nonetheless, the TPLF had no choice because Desalegn was President Barack Obama’s and Susan Rice’s only choice to replace Meles Zenawi. Obviously, Obama and Rice were looking for continuity. They were confident that Desalegn will follow on the footsteps of Meles and continue Washington’s agendas uninterrupted. It is worth noting Ethiopia’s elections of 2000, 2005 and 2010 were stolen by the minority regime. Obama and Rice were aware that the people of Ethiopia will, at some point, overcome the brutal regime and take power. Hence, it is reasonable to assume, that Rice and Obama believed, it is a good idea to take incremental steps to bring change and gradually peel-away power from the hands of the TPLF.

Soon thereafter, in 2013, Desalegn became the Chairman of the African Union. This was done to elevate him and to assure all, US is 100% behind him. However, no matter what Washington did, it was impossible for Desalegn to take control of organization he had no connections with.

The TPLF takes no orders from outsiders in this case Desalegn. However, they had no choice because Obama and Rice were intent and determined to back Desalegn. In fact, Obama called to congratulate Desalegn before it was publicly announced. This did not please the TPLF, but they knew they cannot afford to offend Obama hence accepted Desalegn as the PM. And to ensure the decisions are made in accordance with their interests, they assigned three Deputy Prime Ministers to watch over him.

Therefore, Hailemariam Desalegn was a figurehead TPLF accepted to appease Washington. He was not part of the clique and unlike Meles who knew how to push the buttons and wielded total control, Desalegn was outsider that never took control. The question why did the clique force figurehead to resign?

After the 2005 bloody elections, the minority regime imprisoned thousands and brutally killed hundreds on the streets of Addis Ababa. The regime was caught off-guard by the level of opposition it received from the people of Ethiopia.

At the time, the late Meles Zenawi imprisoned all the leaders of the Coalition for Unity & Democracy (CUD) including Professor Berhanu Nega and Engineer Hailu Shaul to slow the momentum, regain control and crash dissent. Since, it has become a familiar pattern to see opposition leaders, journalists and activists imprisoned en-mass on bogus charges simply for challenging the regime.

In fact, the regime uses the imprisoned as bargaining chip and leverages them to get favors from Washington and others.

King Making Washington Style

Since the end of World War II and particularly the last 26 years, one constant in Ethiopian political dynamic has been Washington. Washington’s fingerprint on Ethiopian political discourse is undeniable. In 2005, the TPLF regime was defeated by the majority and refused to hand-over power to the people.

At the time, it would have been a lot easier for Washington to ensure the voice of the people got respected. It was a mistake not-to take a just stand then. Instead, Meles got rewarded with accolades he did not deserve and Washington made a tyrant fixture in G8 meetings and international summits while he was brutally mowing people on the streets of Addis.

In 2006, Donald Yamamoto was assigned as US Ambassador to Ethiopia and became instrumental on the negotiations that helped release Berhanu Nega, and Hailu Shawul from prison. It was surreal to witness Washington fight for the release of prisoners rather than demand TPLF share power as was done in Cote’ d Ivoire to Laurent Gbagbo. Instead, the negotiations became about the prisoners that were imprisoned on bogus made up charges.

Fast forward to 2018, Ambassador Donald Yamamoto is acting Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. The names of Ethiopians languishing in prison are different, but the circumstances are the same and Yamamoto is forced to deal with the same situation again.

Yamamoto is a skilled diplomat who managed to negotiate the release of prisoners on the past. This time, it was a little easier because Congressman Christopher Smith, Dana Rohrabacher and others have been fed up with the regime and cooperated with the State Department and on February 17, 2018 they gave the regime ultimatum with Resolution H.Res.128 that demanded,

“Release from incarceration all dissidents, members of the political opposition, activists, and journalists who have been jailed, including those arrested for reporting about the protests, for exercising constitutional rights.”

Just as it did in 2005-2007, the TPLF regime was forced to release Merera Gudina, Bekele Gerba and other key figures under pressures from Washington.

The people of Ethiopia are demanding, demonstrating and fighting for fundamental change. They want the regime gone. The regime is at odds with all parties and interested publics in and out of the country. The minority regime has no support whatsoever. Even the people of Tigray, its core constituency, have grown weary. And for the first time they are questioning the regime publicly. If it was up-to the people of Ethiopia the TPLF was legitimately dethroned during the 2005 elections.

The only reason the minority regime managed to stay in power is because of Washington’s unrelenting political-cover, diplomatic, financial and military support. The minority regime, understood what Washington wanted and needed. TPLF understood, if it gives Washington’s agenda the African cover, be-willing and eager to place boots on the ground on-demand and to do what is asked of them, they have Washington’s full support.

Washington on its part understood the shortcomings of the regime. They understood the regime has no support inside Ethiopia. But Washington understood the politics, the players of Ethiopia and knew what buttons to push when. Washington sees and handled Ethiopia as extension of American in Africa particularly in the region. And no matter what happened inside Ethiopia, keeping the vessel afloat was and remains the number one priority.

But what made Washington’s and TPLF’s marriage work is that their agendas mirrored each other. Their agendas are hegemonic in nature, and wanted the similar results in Somalia, Djibouti, Ogaden, Eritrea and other countries in the region. Washington needed a henchman in the African Union and Meles was a willing disciple who delivered unchallenged.

These arrangements came at a huge price. Ethiopians were suffocated out of the political space they need to come together and determine their destiny. This helped the problems of the nation to grow out of control. The TPLF did not tend to issues plaguing the nation and they allowed it to fester because they did not have incentives to do otherwise. To complicate matters, the TPLF monetized the nation for the benefit of the very few Tigrayans at the expense of the masses which in turn heightened ethnic tensions and widened the fissures.

As time went on, it became clear to Ethiopians that the TPLF is not the answer, part of the solution or means to it. They also realized the international community and particularly Washington are not neutral arbiters. They realized Washington and others are complicit thus grew helpless and eventually forwent the ballot box and took to the streets.

Same Games, Dire Consequences

On February 13, 2018 hours before Hailemariam Desalegn’s resignation Bronwyon Bruton of the Atlantic twitted,



It is therefore, natural to ask; was Bruton privy to the information of the resignation ahead of the public? Bruton is opinion maker with connections to policymakers and key figures that can recommend-push agendas and implement decisions. She is a key figure and her voice is important in the halls of congress. So, it begs the question. How much did the US Ambassador in Ethiopia know about the resignation? Was it part of a negotiated agreement that helped release the prisoners?

It is reasonable to conclude the US Ambassador was aware and acquiescent to the decisions TPLF made because it is consistent with the modus operandi. Except this time, things are quite different.

Unlike the past, over time, TPLF has lost control of Ethiopia. At the same, the US political climate and the leadership that cuddled the regime has changed. Moreover, the geopolitical dynamics of the region has shifted. In short, things have changed and TPLF is no longer able to maneuver freely. In addition, the regime is fragmented, desperate and in disarray. This is evident because decisions they are making are illogical and dangerous. The latest decision, the declaration of State of Emergency (SOE) reflects that.
The reaction of US Embassy in Ethiopia is evidence that things have gone awry. It also shows, no matter how much control Washington has over the regime it does not translate to the people.

This makes the resignation of Desalegn more significant because it brought to life the reality in ways that exposed the fault-lines. It exposed the regime in ways no one expected. It aroused fears in the hearts of the people of Tigray. It exposed all the possible scenarios. It also brought to light the uncertainties the fall of TPLF can bring. And one thing Washington failed to do is plan for this day. On a fundraiser event, Congressman Dana Rohrabacher said,

“Washington was terrified to say anything Meles Zenawi did not like.”

Washington placed all its eggs on one basket. Security, cooperation on the war against terrorism, pursuing US agendas via Ethiopia took precedent over everything else. Washington failed to create partnership with other parties for fear that it will offend the ruling clique.

Where do you go from here? There are no viable options. And it will be futile to try to control the developments with Band-Aids because this is calling for a complete overhaul. And unfortunately, no one has the magic wand. Ethiopia is fragmented. The TPLF damaged nationalism in favor of ethnic identity to enable it to divide and rule. There are no organized opposition parties ready to take power. The military is in the hands of fragmented minority. There is no money. Most importantly, the people are determined to see the regime gone and it is safe to conclude that the minorities military will not be able to control the nation. In fact, there are reports that Addis Ababa is on a blockade and goods are not able to get in because the surrounding cities are out of control of the regime.

Conclusion

Washington fed the beast and now the beast is out of control. Washington can no longer dictate terms to events in Ethiopia. It is also clear that Washington is left with no viable choice of its own. Every control mechanism that could have saved developments from spiraling out of control have been quashed.

This maybe a good time for Washington to keep its money, military and diplomatic resources. It may also be prudent to listen to other actors in the region that know Ethiopia, know what they are doing and can affect change in the way that can bring balance. Otherwise, the game is over for TPLF and there is nothing that can save it!


Egypt begins establishing joint farm in Eritrea

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Farmers in Adi Yakob, Eritrea (Photo Credit: Eritrean Embassy in Sweden)


Egypt begins establishing joint farm in Eritrea

By Mena

The Ministry of Agriculture and Land Reclamation unveiled that work has started in the establishment of a joint Egyptian-Eritrean farm in Eritrea, the seventh such kind of farming projects to be built by Egypt in Africa.

The joint Egyptian farm, located in the Horn of Africa, aims to strengthen Egyptian-Eritrean ties particularly in the agriculture field and meet the needs of the Eritrean side in terms of producing various crops through transfer of Egypt's agricultural technology, Minister of Agriculture Dr Abdel Moneim el Banna said Sunday.

He referred to directives by the Egyptian presidency to enhance cooperation with Africa, saying Egypt enjoys mutual historical relations and such development projects would help achieve the interests of African peoples.

The ministry works on spreading model farms systems in Africa to boost its presence and leadership in the continent, he added.

Egypt's Ambassador to Eritrea Yasser Hashem signed a memorandum of understanding and the executive contract of the farm on behalf of minister El Banna, according to a statement released by the ministry on Sunday.

Egypt has established similar farms in the Democratic Congo, Mali, Tanzania, Zambia, Niger and Togo.

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