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Eritrea's Gherset Agro-Project: Making Significant Contributions to Food Security

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Gherset Agro-Project: Making Significant Contributions to Food Security

By Habtom Tesfamichel | Eritrea Profile

Agriculture is the main economic activity in Eritrea and it employs over 70% of the workforce. The majority of people in the country engage in crop production and livestock herding. Most farmers depend on rainfall.

This can pose a problem since rainfall is variable and unevenly distributed across time and place. One of Eritrea’s national goals is to guarantee food security. Efforts to achieve this goal include the introduction of modern equipment and technology, various irrigation and terracing schemes, soil and water conservation, and reducing dependence on rainfall. Eritrea’s national food security policy stresses the advancement of agricultural practices with modern technology to produce surplus. The policy encompasses all sectors and reflects the country’s motto of self-reliance.

Eritrea’s macro-policy framework is the platform for country’s socio-economic growth and development. Agriculture, food security, and socio-economic growth are interrelated and reinforce each other in the process of overall development. The Government of the State of Eritrea (GSE) has committed itself to achieving food security in the near future. To address food insecurity, the GSE has implemented a number of agricultural, health, education, fisheries, and other projects and programs. The GSE’s focus is on enhancing productive resources to increase production and achieve food self-sufficiency. This avoids dependency on food imports and domestic market distortions by subsidized food aid. Improving agricultural production in Eritrea will help in the achievement of various national developmental goals, including ensuring food security, reducing poverty, improving people’s livelihoods, and raising standards of living.

In order to implement policies, Eritrea has been divided into three development regions: central highlands, eastern lowlands, and western lowlands. Various projects are underway in each of these regions. If there is one location that exemplifies agro-industry in Eritrea, it’s the Gash Barka region. Due to its geographical size and agro-ecological advantages, the Gash Barka region in western Eritrea is the breadbasket of the nation. In order to avert drought and expand farming, the GSE has constructed strategic dams along major river basins and potential catchments such as Gerset, Bademit, Fanco Rawi, Fanco Tsmue, Kerkebet, and other small water reservoirs. These provide much-needed water for the region.

Irrigation-based agriculture has increased output and led to a surplus in cereals, vegetables, fruits, and livestock. In Gash Barka, over 160 dams, micro-dams, water catchments, and diversion schemes have been constructed. Additionally, over 100,000 hectares of land have been cultivated through irrigation, splash irrigation, and drip irrigation.

Agro-industries have been erected, including the Banatom Factory in Alebu, which processes locally produced tomatoes and bananas. Importantly, this adds value to the products. Aligider, Gherset, the two Fancos, Badimit, and Alemayet also are home to important agro-industry activities. Remarkably, these dams have a capacity of over 300 million cubic meters of water.


To promote sustainable development, the Eritrean Crops and Livestock Corporation has taken over several agro-industry projects. Mr. Haylzghi Habte, manager of agricultural projects in the Southwestern Gash Barka region, says that “the Eritrean Crops and Livestock Corporation works in regionally divided agricultural development zones. The Southwestern Agricultural Development zone is one of the regional agricultural development zones administered by the corporation. This zone incorporates the sub-zones of Goluj, Haikota, and Tesennei. In these farms, there are large and small agro-projects.”


The largest farms are Gherset, Fanco Tsimue (Fesco), Adi Omer, and Aligider. Some of these were developed earlier and are continuing to operate, while others are currently in development. The projects that are in the preparation phase include Fanco Rawi, Wedi Leges, and Bademit.

For the Gherset project, more than 10,000 hectares of land has been cultivated. Produce includes lemons, mangos, dates, oranges, and various vegetables. The project also features a cattle, sheep, and goat farms. Apart from irrigation-based agriculture, the Gherset project also produces crops such as sesame, sorghum, maize, and millet. There have also been successful pilot projects to produce wheat and teff. According to Mr. Haylzghi, “although various kinds of crops can be produced in Gherset and the other farms, we are currently focusing on certain fruits and vegetables. We are driven by the needs of the nation. For now, we cannot produce all kinds of products at one time.” Recently, the Gherset project has expanded to accommodate individual farmers.

Agricultural development cannot be achieved without appropriate attention given to markets. The Eritrean Crops and Livestock Corporation aims to stabilize the market price of different agricultural products. In the Gherset project, there are approximately 13,000 sheep, 800 cows, and 200 camels. The Corporation has had a significant impact on stabilizing market prices. Fresh products are available to most regions of the country throughout the year. The Corporation also supplies meat to different ministries on national holidays and various other special occasions.

One of the Corporation’s main aims is to ensure that local residents are the main beneficiaries of the projects. In the Adi Omer project, for example, the Corporation has provided milk and dairy products at reasonable prices to local residents. The Gherset project has also created employment opportunities for over 4,000 local residents. Notably, some of these residents returned to Eritrea after having lived or spent time in Sudan.

The Corporation works closely with various national institutions from across the country. The Gherset project, as well as other agriculture-related projects, are staffed with agricultural specialists from various national institutions.

In order to increase production, the Gherset farm is equipped with horticulture and animal science specialists. These specialists are graduates of Hamelmalo Agricultural College. Mr. Meron Russom, a veterinarian currently working on the Gherset farm, explained how the specialists are, “carefully observing the animals’ feeding and health conditions. If the animals are treated properly, they are highly productive.” He went on to add, “Here in the field, we have been able to apply what we learned. We have broadened our understanding and deepened our knowledge”.


Ms. Shewit Ghebruhiwet, who graduated from Hamelmalo Agricultural College with a degree in horticulture, explained, “Previously, seedlings were imported from Sudan. Now, however, we have established our own nursery area. We also provide seedlings for the other farms. We have been quite successful. Moreover, it reduces the unnecessary effort and hard currency spending to import”.


Additionally, Mr. Haylzghi noted, “Our current level of production should not be overlooked. What is encouraging is that we are only scratching the surface of our potential. We are laying the foundation for an intensive farming system, but we are yet to reach the desired level of production.”

The Gash Barka region is blessed with rich, fertile lands that are suitable for agricultural activities. The region is Eritrea’s breadbasket and agro-industry hub. The Gherset farm site relies on different types of irrigation, including canal, drip, and splash. It should also be noted that there is great potential to expand the Gherset project in the near future. In fact, the Corporation is currently working to increase the area of cultivable farmland to between 15,000 to 20,000 hectares.

Eritrea is working to achieve sustainable development and food security. A key part of the country’s strategy is the development of agro-based industries. Additionally, the Eritrean Crops and Livestock Corporation has made significant contributions. Irrigation-based agricultural activities have helped increase production and contributed to the surplus in cereal crops, vegetables, fruits, and livestock. Dams, micro-dams, and water diversion schemes have also been very valuable. Moving forward, the integration of the private sector into activities can also prove beneficial.




'Discover Eritrea' - Intra-African Trade Fair 2018

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'Discover Eritrea' - Intra-African Trade Fair 2018

By Embassy Media | Cairo, 11th December 2018

The Intra-African Trade Fair Afreximbank, in collaboration with the African Union Commission (AUC), is convening the Inaugural Intra-African Trade Fair (IATF 2018) which was opened today 11th December 2018 by Prime Minister of Egypt Dr. Mostafa Madbouly at the Egypt International Exhibition Centre in Cairo.

The Intra-African Trade Fair is the first of its kind in Africa, consisting of a 7-day trade show that provides a platform for sharing trade, investment and market information and enabling buyers and sellers, investors and countries to meet. support of trade.

Eritrean delegation led by Mr. Hagos Ghebrhiwet, Head of Economic Affairs, H.E. Fassil Ghebreslassie, Eritrean Ambassador to the Republic of Egypt, General Manager of Housing & Commerce Bank of Eritrea Mr. Berhane Ghebrhiwet are taking part at the Intra-African Trade Fair IATF 2018. Representatives of Eritrean companies Piccini, Dolce Vita, Eritrean Airlines, The Fred Hollows IOL Lab, Marble & Granite are showcasing their products and services.

This could help reinforce the fact that Eritrea is a quality manufacturer on the continent with great potential for buyers of quality products. 'Discover Eritrea' with striking design is organised by the Government of Eritrea in collaboration with London based Brand Communication.








We Will Bring Criminals to Justice - Ethiopian PM Abiy Ahmed

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Ethiopian PM, Dr. Abiy Ahmed


We Will Bring Criminals to Justice - Ethiopian PM Abiy Ahmed

By Ezega

We will bring criminals to justice, says Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, according to oFBC report.

The criminals he had in mind are those who former officials who, he believes, abused their power.

“We will hunt them down and bring them to justice as far as they are accused of committing crimes,” the Prime Minister said in a statement issued today.

“It is impossible to escape after committing crimes and to lead a lavish lifestyle by stealing public property,” he said in the statement.

“We should not permit criminals to sleep peacefully. They should face justice,” he added.

Recently, dozens of former government officials were arrested on suspicions of corruption and human rights abuses.

Those arrested included General Kinfe Dagnew, former head of Metals and Engineering Corporation (METEC), and Yared Zerihun, former Deputy Head of the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) and Commissioner General of Federal Police Commission.

Also arrested this week were two individuals from the NISS identified as Measho Kidane and Hadush Kassa. However, the circumstances under which they were arrested was not disclosed.

Still at large, according to many, is the former head of NISS Getachew Assefa, also an executive committee member of the Tigrayan Liberation Front (TPLF), a founding member of the ruling party Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The Attorney General of Ethiopia has accused Getachew Assefa of gross human rights violations and has issued an arrest warrant against him. The whereabouts of Getachew Assefa is currently unknown, but he is believed to be in Tigray region in northern Ethiopia.

The Prime Minister may have been referring to Getachew Assefa and other former officials like him when he said 'criminals' must be brought to justice.

The present declaration by the Prime Minister is sure to ricochet tensions building between the Prime Minister and his supporters, on the one hand, and his detractors, on the other.

His critics allege that the current campaign is not about the rule of law, but a selective targeting of his potential opponents, especially the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front) and its supporters. They allege the current campaign is turning a blind eye to people who were equally part of the previous system, including many now in positions of power and influence inside the central government, as well as in the regions.

Huge rally was held in Mekelle city this weekend, where the TPLF leader and Tigray region administrator, Dr. Debretsion Gebremichael, accused the central government of targeting Tigrayans, and sent his strongest warning to date.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed received high marks from a wide section of the Ethiopian public for bringing profound changes in such a short time. The changes he brought since assuming power include releasing political prisoners, allowing political exiles to return home, greater freedom of the press, plans to liberalize the economy, and normalization of relations with Eritrea.

However, under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia faces considerable regional and ethnic tensions like never before, according to many observers. The Tigrayan region in the north is putting out statements increasingly critical of the central government. In the south, several enclaves once part of the Southern Ethiopia region have voted to establish separate regions of their own.

In Oromia, armed groups and youth vigilantes police some areas. For example, an Indian company representatives were recently detained for several days by locals for failing to pay salaries on time. Also, there are increasing reports indicating that some people are losing their properties without due process in Oromia and elsewhere.

There are ongoing conflicts at the Oromia-Benishangul-Gumuz border over claims and counter-claims of rights to land.

The Amhara region in the north has its own problems with Qemant people over greater autonomy issues.

The ruling EPRDF is not the cohesive self that Ethiopians came to know. The party is showing growing signs of strains from within.

These myriad of problems, along with the absence of strong national political forces, rather than regional ones, to intervene has left many observers worried.

Of the dozens of political parties operating in Ethiopia today, most are regional parties with narrow allegiances. Those parties who claim to be pan-Ethiopian are few and weak.

With elections coming in about two years, no one knows how all these various issues will be sorted out, if at all.


Asmara: The Addis Ababa that Never Was, for the Better

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Asmara, Eritrea - Photo Credit: Ghideon Musa

Asmera and Addis Abeba are two cities with similar beginnings and influences in city planning and architecture. But while Asmera has preserved its architectural heritage, Addis Abeba opted for concrete skyscrapers at the expense of aesthetics, writes Ambessaw Assegued (assegued@anfilo.com).

By Ambessaw Assegued | Addis Fortune

The old guard, now in their sixties and seventies, lumber into the lobby of the Embasoira Hotel in Asmera to meet and chat. Some are educated in selective universities like the University of Michigan and UC Berkeley. They are men and women who have devoted their skills and time to the liberation struggle of Eritrea. They wrote their doctoral dissertations and graduate theses with the independence of Eritrea in mind.

“My doctoral dissertation was on the ‘if and when liberation comes to Eritrea’,” says one of them, whom everyone addresses as ‘doctor,’ to a group sitting and sipping macchiatos in the vestibule of the modern hotel.

While the conversation blossoms, a niece of the President of Eritrea, Issayas Afeworki, emerges from the restaurant talking to a friend and moves past the group after a brief exchange of greetings.

“They are walking home. You see, she is safe to walk at this time of the evening, and no one will accost her,” says the doctor to reassure a newcomer to the group.

It is not too hard to imagine the streets of Asmera as a safe place by day or night. Except for a few traffic police that stand in the squares, there are no police who patrol the streets. Gone are the club-wielding regulation enforcers that roam the streets; the machine gun-toting constabularies that patrol the squares and walkways; and the federal police who stand guard behind high-powered guns mounted on the roofs of Toyota trucks throughout Addis Abeba.

A visit to Asmera inevitably evokes a comparison between this petite highland city and the sprawling metropolis of Addis Abeba. This is true especially among those who came of age in the late sixties and early seventies, where a debate raged with claims and counterclaims as to which city was more modern. The two sister capitals molded by European, particularly Italian, influence, share a common history and development.

Founded within a few years of each other at the turn of the last century, Asmera becomes the elder when colonial Italy built a modern city enclave on an endogenous mountain plateau. Addis Abeba, well over a thousand miles to the south, will soon rise after Emperor Menelik II settles his capital on one of the terraced plains in central Ethiopia.

During the go-go days of the sixties, the urbanites of Addis Abeba considered their city more modern, fashionable, chic, sophisticated and cosmopolitan than Asmera – a view fiercely challenged by the townies to the north. Some five decades later, after Piassa, Kazanchis and Casa Popolare fell to the wrecking balls of municipal authorities, the comparison to these Italian-built quarters with well-preserved neighbourhoods like Combishtato, Caravanseraglio, and Beza Bandain in Asmara peters out.

While Addis Abeba has trashed its historical buildings and infrastructure, Asmera has preserved them. Asmera, which once adopted the administrative municipal laws of the city of Milan, still operates and functions like any modern city, while Addis Abeba wallows in near chaos.

Outside the city of Asmera, the dwellings are mostly modest stone and concrete shacks common in the undeveloped world.

Within the city proper, “the full effect of the colonial, modernist, futuristic architecture of 20th century Europe is unleashed,” as John Hamilton observes in his article, “The City Above the Clouds.”

Asmera is a city infused with beautiful European modernist classical architecture and scale, elegant shop fronts and villas, clean tree-lined boulevards, factory complexes and sumptuous public structures. Addis Abeba, on the other hand, has evolved into a frenzied pastiche of a concrete city where high-rises peak out randomly from a sea of shantytowns. Urbanism that eluded Addis Abeba thrives in Asmera.

After the rapprochement between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the borders were opened, Ethiopian entrepreneurs began showing up on the streets of Asmera and setting up impromptu shops on the corners of thoroughfares, unaware that the city is governed by strict municipal regulations.

“They will just come, park their vehicles anywhere, spread their wares on the street and try to hawk, oblivious to all the rules,” says a Western-educated urbanite with great amusement. “The peddlers would fight and argue with the traffic police when told they are breaking the law.”

Eventually, the authorities cleared an area in the outskirts of Asmera and moved them away. Hundreds of plastic-covered stalls, now manned mostly by Ethiopian peddlers from Meqelle, sprawl across a dusty field. Trucks and vans loaded with coffee, teff, berbere,bottled beer and all manner of trinkets from China are unloaded and sold; while a dozen or two minibusses, all baring license plates issued by the Tigray Regional State, are lined up off to the sides waiting to ferry travelers to and from the border areas.

Asmera, the crown jewel of Africa, is a pastel-hued city that gives the appearance of a painted cityscape by Edgar Degas. The city wears its bejeweled crown proudly for conserving its unique architectural heritage. Still, Addis Abeba remains the seductive mistress of the continent, despite the egregious neglect and mismanagement of its heritage by successive city administrations.

The group sitting at the Embasoira lobby chats late into the evening, pondering a future that will most likely involve Ethiopia. Eritreans are acutely tuned to what is going on in Addis Abeba.

Still rankled by the liberation struggle against the regimes of Haile Selassie and the Dergue, embittered by a devastating war with Ethiopia, and soured by punishing sanctions, Eritreans now look southward with keen anticipation of what the future holds for the two nations.

The place to start is in holding conversations. The lobby of the Embasoira in Asmera or the terraced verandas of Tayetu Hotel in Addis Abeba are apt places for these tête-à-têtes.


Eritrea's Isaias Afwerki visits Somalia to cement renewed ties

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President Isaias Afwerki and his entourage were accorded warm welcome by President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, Ministers, Parliamentarians and other Somali dignitaries on arrival at Mogadishu Airport earlier in the day.

Mogadishu trip caps a stunning year of peacemaking among Horn of Africa nations

By Charlie Mitchell | The National

Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki landed in Somalia for the first time on Thursday, completing a stunning year of rapprochement in the battle-scarred Horn of Africa.

Mr Isaias, who has ruled the tiny reclusive nation with an iron fist for 25 years, embraced Somalia’s president, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, on the runway before heading to the president’s office for talks.

Somalia and Eritrea have endured years of sour relations, exacerbated by the latter’s 20-year conflict with neighbouring Ethiopia, which saw the two take opposing sides in war-torn Somalia.

Mogadishu accused Asmara of supplying weapons and backing to Islamist groups. When Ethiopian soldiers entered Somalia to tackle the insurgents in 2007, Eritrea stormed out of IGAD, the Horn of Africa’s answer to the GCC, in protest.

But in July, following the appointment of Ethiopia’s dynamic young prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia and Eritrea announced an end to their two-decade war, facilitating an unprecedented peace process that saw embassies and borders reopened, telephone and travel links re-established and trade resumed. Hundreds of families, kept apart for years, were reunited.

The rapprochement between two of Africa’s pre-eminent foes triggered a domino effect, as the Horn’s four constituent countries — Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia — set about mending fences.

In July, Mr Mohamed travelled to Asmara, where he and Mr Isaias agreed to establish diplomatic relations, exchange ambassadors and promote bilateral trade.

In September, Eritrea and Djibouti ended a decade-long border dispute over the contentious Dumeira mountain and Dumeira island in the Red Sea. The following day, Addis Ababa played host to South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir and rebel leader Riek Machar, who signed a peace agreement. Their personal feud created a five-year civil war that killed an estimated 383,000 people.

And in November, the United Nations Security Council lifted sanctions on Eritrea, first imposed in 2009. Onlookers hope the country — nicknamed the North Korea of Africa — will take steps to shed its pariah status.

In that respect, the visit of Mr Isaias to Somalia, a troubled but hugely significant regional player, is encouraging.

“President Isaias’s historic visit [to Somalia] is part and parcel of the consultative Tripartite Summits of the Heads of State and Government of Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia,” Eritrea’s information minister, Yemane Meskel, wrote on Twitter.





Joint Press Statement between Somalia and Eritrea

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President Isaias Afwerki with Somali President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo in Mogadishu, Somalia, December 13, 2018

Joint Press Statement between Somalia and Eritrea

By MoI Eritrea | Shabait

President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmajo, President of the Federal Republic of Somalia and President Isaias Afwerki, President of the State of Eritrea, held a two-day consultation meeting in Mogadishu, Somalia on December 13th-14th 2018.

The two Presidents held bilateral discussions at Villa Somalia and they agreed to strengthen the two nations historical relations through further cooperation in all areas of mutual benefit including trade, investment and people to people relations. Both Presidents reaffirmed their commitment to enhance the momentum in the Horn of Africa Cooperation with a focus on regional partnership for common development, progress and prosperity.

President Isaias welcomes and supports the Somali Government’s endeavor in establishing Somali-led security institutions that have the ability to provide the peace and security that the people of Somalia deserve.

Fully aware of the need for comprehensive and coordinated approach to tackle the modern-day risks of terrorism and poverty, the two leaders agreed to continue to forge a strong partnership that benefits the two nations and the region.

The two leaders emphasized that there are many common challenges ahead for which they will seek a common solution. Furthermore, they agreed to consolidate their mutual solidarity and support in addressing challenges that their nations face individually and collectively.

The two leaders noted that effective regional cooperation is crucial for overcoming the common obstacles of insecurity, terrorism, poverty and environmental degradation facing the region.

The two leaders recognize that peace and stability in Somalia is in the interest of the Somali people and the region as whole. Any attempt to derail the on-going momentum in the region will undoubtedly hamper the progress Somalia is making towards peace and reconciliation. The leaders are united to object the dissemination of any harmful, unsubstantiated and politically motivated misinformation and are calling all to positively contribute to the peace and stability in Somalia.


Ethiopia moving troops from Eritrean border amid new peace

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President Isaias Afwerki with Ethiopian Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed at the Eritrean-Ethiopian border - September 11, 2018


Ethiopia to move troops from Eritrean border as relations thaw

By Aaron Maasho | Reuters

Ethiopia will begin moving its troops away from the border with Eritrea, senior military officials said on Friday, months after the erstwhile enemies reopened it for the first time in 20 years.

“Relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea are very good - there is no longer the threat of conflict,” Ethiopia’s Major General Asrat Denero, Commander of the Western Command, said.

War broke out between the two countries in 1998 over the border and other issues, killing an estimated 80,000 people before fighting finally ended in 2000 in a contested peace deal.

However, tensions simmered over the position of the frontier until this year when Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed offered to end the standoff as part of a package of reforms that have reshaped the political landscape of the Horn of Africa.

“There is no need to maintain our troops there (on the border). It is necessary to deploy them elsewhere,” Denero said.

Abiy announced the plan for Ethiopian and Eritrean forces along the border to be moved back to camps in September.

“As part of a restructuring of the military, changes are taking place with regards to their positions,” Lieutenant General Mola Hailemariam, Commander of Special Operations of the Ethiopian National Defense Force, told a news conference.

Mola also said that as part of the restructuring the Ethiopian army, which has an estimated 200,000 troops, cut the number of commands to four from six. He did not give a figure for what impact this would have on troop numbers.


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Ethiopia moving troops from Eritrean border amid new peace

By Elias Mesret | AP

Ethiopian military officials on Friday announced they are moving troops away from the border with Eritrea, months after the former rivals made a surprising peace.

Relations have "improved tremendously" and the "threat level from the Eritrean side has declined sharply. So we have decided that there is no use in keeping that massive force in the border areas," said Gen. Asrat Denero, head of the army's Western Command. "It will be deployed to other locations."

He did not say how many troops will be moved. Lt. Gen. Molla Hailemariam, special operations chief with the Ethiopian Defense Forces, said the majority of armed forces had been deployed along the border. But the situation "has changed dramatically," Molla said. Both officials spoke during a press conference aired by the state-affiliated Fana Broadcasting Corporate.

Amid the country's sweeping reforms since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office in April, officials also say army commands are being cut from six to four, while landlocked Ethiopia seeks to re-establish a naval force.

Ethiopia and Eritrea ended two decades of border tensions related to a bloody 1998-2000 conflict and re-established diplomatic ties this year, opening border points and communications links. Aid groups and others have said several thousand people have crossed into Ethiopia from Eritrea since then, some of them settling in northern villages.

Some Ethiopians have seen the army reforms as a way of reducing the power of some top military commanders from the Tigray region bordering Eritrea. Many from the Tigrayan ethnic group had assumed top ranks in the decades since the ruling coalition assumed power in 1991.

Some former Tigrayan officials who until recently dominated top posts in the government had resisted making peace with Eritrea under previous administrations.

Ethiopian military officials maintain that the country, Africa's second most populous, has one of the largest armies on the continent. Ethiopia is a key security ally of the United States in the Horn of Africa region and is the largest contributor to United Nations peacekeeping missions.

Sudan's president is first Arab leader to visit Syria since crisis

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Photos showed the two leaders shaking hands at the airport in front of a Russian jet [SANA via AP]


Sudan's president is first Arab leader to visit Syria since crisis

By Suleiman Al-Khalidi | Reuters

Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir arrived in the Syrian capital Damascus on Sunday, the first such visit by an Arab leader since the start of the Syrian conflict, Syrian state media said.

President Bashar al Assad welcomed him at the airport, official photos showed. Many Arab countries have shunned Assad since the conflict that began early in 2011 after protests calling for his downfall swept Syria.

State news agency SANA said later the two leaders held talks in the presidential palace about developments in the region and in Syria.

Assad was quoted as saying his country would remain committed to its “Arab identity” despite the conflict in which Syria had accused some Arab countries, led by Saudi Arabia, of fuelling it by arming rebels seeking to overthrow Assad’s rule.

The Arab League had suspended Syria’s seat in November 2011 in response to the Syrian government’s violent attacks on pro-democracy protests.

Although many Arab countries have closed their embassies or downgraded their ties with Damascus, there have been growing calls in the Arab world in recent months to normalise ties with Syria and give it back its seat in the Arab League.



Sudan urges Eritrea to activate its role in East Africa Force

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Sudan urges Eritrea to activate its role in East Africa Force

By SudanTribune

Sudan’s Defence Minister Awad Ibn Ouf has called on Eritrea to activate its membership at the army’s Chiefs-of-Staff body of the East African Standby Force (ESAF).

Speaking to the ESAF meeting on Sunday in Khartoum, Ibn Ouf praised the recent rapprochement between Eritrea and Ethiopia, saying it contributes to enhancing security and stability in the region.

Also, he renewed Sudan’s keenness to sustain security and stability in East Africa and the continent in general, pointing to the various challenges facing the region.

The Sudanese Defence Minister further praised the role played by the ESAF during the previous years, saying it has become the first force in Africa ready to carry out any mission in the region.

The call of the Sudanese military official come days after a meeting in Riyadh of seven countries bordering the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Djibouti, Somalia, Sudan, Yemen and Jordan to discuss a Saudi initiative to establish a regional alliance for the Red Sea countries.

However, it was noticed that Eritrea, which has several islands in the Red Sea and a mainland coastline of 1,150-kilometres, was absent from the meeting.

Relations between Sudan and Eritrea are strained since last January following accusations by Khartoum that Asmara was behind preparations of attacks in Kassala State by rebel groups. But Asmara denied the allegations.

The ESAF experts on Thursday have started a three-day meeting in Khartoum.

EASF is one of the five continent’s regional multidimensional force capabilities including military, police and civilian components consisting of 10 east African countries.

The regional organization is mandated to enhance peace and security in the volatile east African region.

The regional force was established following decisions made by the AU summit held in Ethiopia in 2004.

TPLF's new Ethiopia, Eritrea Strategy

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TPLF leaders



By Jawar Mohammed

Watched some clips and audio recordings of the gathering of Weyane oldies in Mekele.

- They show symptom of wounded nationalism

- Although they are trying to display counter offensive posturing, they are still in defensive mode.

- They still lack strategic thinking. They don't have unifying leader. They are trying to supplement this deficiency by trying to recreate collective leadership that existed before Meles replaced it with strongman model. The core of the collective would be Sebehat, Seyoum, Getachew and Bereket. This might help them regroup in the short term, but cannot be long term solution. They are too old to understand or cope with problems of the new era. Even worse they will exacerbate the strategic leadership problem as they continue to overshadow emergence of new faces and brains.

- TPLF is done with EPRDF. Since it is no longer useful to them, they want to kill it.

- Despite the bravado, they don't want to go to war with federal or Amhara region. Their main strategy remains proxy war against ODP and ADP to destabilize regions they govern and federal institutions. Their proxy attack will extend to neighboring countries as well. They are good at this and it should be taken seriously as they will escalate the more they are cornered. But even if TPLF manages to destabilize the nation, it will never come to power again and destabilizing will only be its final goal and that which it can do for a limited time. Every Ethiopian prefers and is ready to die at this moment than going back to TPLF's dictatorship rule.

- On Eritrea their strategy is isolate Isaias by coopting the population and if they can the elite. But they don't want to fight him directly. In fact they are conflicted between begging him for mercy and continuing with harsh rhetoric.

- TPLF is getting ready to spit the last poison. But it is not a mortal threat. It is still on self-destructive path. Tactical pressure will be sufficient to help finish the task.


Eritrea lived 3 years in 1 in the year 2018.

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Ethiopia's Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerk embrace at the declaration signing in Asmara - July 9, 2018.


Eritrea lived 3 years in 1 in the year 2018.

By Bereket Kidane

Countries are like people in many ways. Some years are more important than others. Some years drag and nothing much happens. In other years, a lot happens quickly and leaves you breathless. In 2018, Eritrea had one of those seminal years where too many things happened too quickly and its citizens were struggling to catch their breath.

It seemed as if the State of Eritrea lived 3 years in one in 2018.

From the dramatic fall of its sworn enemy Weyane Tigray to the rapid pace of political transformation of the Horn of Africa and the lifting of the illegal UN sanctions on Eritrea, It has been one of the most important years in the State of Eritrea’s history.

The Fall of Weyane

When historians write TPLF’s obituary (1975-2018), they will write that the reason TPLF rose to power was because of the EPLF and the reason it fell from power was also because of the EPLF. Antagonizing the Eritrean State and making an enemy of the Government of Eritrea did not work out too well for the TPLF in the end. The fall of Weyane and the rise of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to power provided Eritrea with a partner in peace that shared its vision of a harmonious and peaceful Horn.

Martyrs Day Speech

President Isaias’s Martyrs Day speech on June 20 where he indicated that Eritrea will send a delegation to the Ethiopian capital to test if the outreach by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is real seems decades ago now because too much has happened since. Following the Martyrs Day speech Eritrea sent a high-level delegation to Addis Ababa, which was reciprocated by Prime Minister Abiy’s maiden voyage to Asmara. Prime Minister Abiy’s visit was an important strategic and diplomatic overture that marked the end of the 20-year war between Eritrea and Ethiopia, ushering a new era of peace with the signing of the Asmara Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship.

Eritrea becomes the Horn’s Center of Gravity

The list of politicians and statesmen who journeyed to Asmara in the summer of 2018 to sign peace agreements with neighboring nations and their own national governments is long and distinguished. At last, there was even a begrudging recognition from the big powers that the road to peace in the Horn runs through Eritrea. It was awe-inspiring to witness General Sebhat Efrem’s prescient and prophetic declaration from some years back come true.

President Isaias’s Rock Star Reception in Ethiopian Cities

Following TPLF’s fall from power, President Isaias received a raucous welcome in Ethiopian cities and was greeted as a conquering hero with large crowds spontaneously breaking into chants of “Issu.” Hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians lined up the streets of Addis Ababa, Awasa and Gondar to welcome President Isaias and show their appreciation. Of course, President Isaias and his government did not rid the Ethiopian people of the murderous and kleptocratic TPLF regime by themselves. It was the organic and courageous struggle waged by the Ethiopian youth that accomplished that. Nonetheless, there was a general acknowledgment and gratitude from the Ethiopian people that the steely resolve President Isaias showed in the fight against the Western-backed TPLF regime coupled with the moral and strategic support his government provided the Ethiopian people played a pivotal role in TPLF’s fall from power. It was an endearing iconic moment to see President Isaias presiding over the official reopening of the Embassy of The State of Eritrea in Addis Ababa after 20 years.

Families Reunite after 20 years

In order to inflict maximum psychological pain, TPLF followed a sadistic policy of separating Eritrean families before deporting them. Eritrean parents were plucked from their homes in the middle of the night and separated from each other and their kids before being ordered to walk over landmines into Eritrea. Many Eritrean families who had their homes and businesses illegally confiscated by TPLF officials succumbed to depression and died shortly after reaching Eritrea. But those who survived were reunited with their parents and children after 20 years. Iconic photos that captured emotional moments of families reuniting after 20 years on the runway of Asmara International Airport went around the world.

The Lifting of the Illegal UN Sanctions on Eritrea

Perhaps the most economically consequential one of the troika of events (the fall of TPLF, lifting of sanctions, peace breaking out in the Horn) was the lifting of the illegal UN sanctions placed on Eritrea in order to bring it to its knees by crippling its economy and stripping its right to defend itself militarily. The dream of TPLF was to create a diplomatically isolated, economically and militarily weakened pliant Eritrea that they can have their way with. It never worked out that way. In fact, on the eve of the UNSC’s lifting of sanctions on Eritrea, TPLF officials were being hauled to jail and doing the perp walk. The lifting of UN sanctions on Eritrea should now bring in the much-needed and anticipated foreign investment to Eritrea.

Ethiopian Tourists Flock to the Red Sea Coastline

Massawa, the pearl of the Red Sea, is experiencing a resurgence following the signing of the peace agreement and opening of cross border travel between Eritrea and Ethiopia. It will take time to restore Massawa to its past grandeur but it will happen sooner than later because the market is there and the conditions are timely and favorable. Eritrea’s tourism infrastructure in general needs an upgrade and a total overhaul. Ethiopian tourists who had never been to Eritrea before were pleasantly surprised to see a warm and friendly Eritrean population, clean and orderly tree-lined cities with beautiful architecture and a terrific, pristine coastline. Gulf and Arab investors are said to be highly interested in developing Eritrea’s tourism infrastructure on the Red Sea. We’ve heard of the Israeli Riviera around Eilat on the Red Sea, the Egyptian Riviera around Sharm El Shek on the Red Sea, the Italian Riviera on the Ligurian Sea..etc. Will there be an Eritrean Riviera on the southern Red Sea around Massawa and its chain of islands for the people of the Horn and tourists from around the world to enjoy? Time will tell.

TPLF Official publicly asks for mass amnesia to set-in among Eritreans

The audacity and stupidity of TPLF officials has no boundaries. In one of the most laughable and undignified moments of 2018, a TPLF official publicly asked the people of Eritrea to let mass amnesia set-in among them. He said, “Just forget it.” Forget that we ever broke up your families and illegally confiscated your homes and businesses before deporting you because we didn’t like the “color of your eyes.” Forget that we ever invaded you and are still occupying your sovereign territory illegaly. Forget that we engineered sanctions against you in collaboration with our Western masters to cripple your economy and break you militarily. Forget that we used Amhara and Oromo kids as cannon fodders to kill 20,000 of your sons and daughters. Just forget it. Allow for a collective mass amnesia to set-in among you.

Really TPLF? You want us to forget it just like that? Our forefathers warned us about you. Those crooked mountains were not named “The heart of Tigrayan” for no reason. Just forget it, huh? That is lame.

Martin Plaut gets Punk’d

Well, it’s just been that kind of year for Eritrea. Martin Plaut, the purveyor of fake news on all things related to Eritrea and a known TPLF sympathizer, was promised really juicy bad news coming out of Eritrea by a Londoner of Eritrean descent named Yacob. Yacob reportedly told Martin Plaut to meet him in person at a Kings Cross Starbucks so he can personally deliver the juicy bad news coming out of Eritrea over a cup of Grande Mocha Frappuccino. Like a hungry wolf salivating at the thought of red meat, Martin showed up on time and even saved a seat for Yacob, fully expecting to devour the whatever bad news was coming out of Eritrea. Instead, what he got was a bucket of eggs dumped on him. He got punk’d. There was no bad news coming out of Eritrea. The practical joke was on him. Ol’ Martin probably needed a good shower after that.

2018 is closing fast and has been a momentous year for Eritrea. Glory to the young men and women of Eritrea’s Warsay generation that folded and outlasted TPLF’s evil designs on Eritrea.



Eritrea: The Way Forward.

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Asmara, Eritrea - Photo Credit: Ghideon Musa



Eritrea: The Way Forward.

By Abel Kebedom

For the last twenty years Eritrea went through very difficult and challenging time. That challenging and difficult time fractured Eritreans and created negative political and social atmosphere. Out of the prolonged friction and bickering many Eritrean political groups have been created. However as stands right now, we have three major Eritrean groups in the diaspora. These are Opposition, Nationalists and Government Supporters. The main difference between the opposition and nationalists is their view and stand on Country and Government. While the nationalists advocate for the sovereignty and national integrity of the country, the opposition groups, except a couple of them, advocate for the overthrow of the government. The two different approaches to political struggle ended up being irreconcilable and became the major reasons for the prolonged friction between nationalists and opposition. For the nationalists the opposition’s effort to undermine the history of the liberation struggle and ultimate sacrifices of our martyrs was a grave mistake that demands a serious apology. Moreover, the opposition’s continuous efforts to work with TPLF to overthrow the government of Eritrea while the government was struggling to defend the country’s sovereignty from aggression was another serious mistake that the nationalists think the opposition has committed. In the nationalists’ view regardless of the governments’ shortcomings, in the time of war, to defend the national security of the country, every Eritrean needs to stand together. As a result, the nationalists think that the erroneous stand of the opposition against the country’s sovereignty has prolonged the suffering of Eritrea and its people and hope this is a lesson that we all can learn and work hard to avoid it in the future.

Now that the threat to our national security is removed, we all can be nothing but Eritreans. Regardless of what happened in the past, as Eritreans, we all have the right and responsibility to equally discuss on the issues that are important to the revival of our country. In the new era of peace, Eritrea needs all its children to come together and prepare the roadmap for its future growth and prosperity. Based on that belief, I like to put my opinion on how we all can rebuild our country and make it, the country that we all wish to see in the future. For convenience, I divide my opinions and suggestions into four major areas: Economy, Politics, Legal and social.

Economy.

The Eritrean economy was damaged not only by the 30 years of war for liberation but also by the 20 years of TPLF’s war of aggression and subsequent no war and no peace policy imposed on Eritrea. As a result, it is clear for every Eritrean that it will not be easy to correct such long-term destruction and bring the country back to normal in a short period of time. Also, we all know that if we are going to bring our country back to prosperity and development, it requires a clear government economic policy that aims towards that end. For now, I like to focus on three government economic policies that need immediate revision. These are role of private sector in the economy, currency control and the current trade policy with Ethiopia.

Role of private Sector in Eritrea.

The Eritrean government policy towards the private sector is the least to say disappointing. The assumption that only government can be effective in mobilizing resources and increasing productivity or output in the country is repeating an experiment that was made by many countries in the past and failed miserably. The Eritrean government can not shut the door for Eritreans to participate in their economy. The closure of the private clinics, the closure of private construction companies, the closure and expulsion of private investors in the fishing industry, discouraging Eritrean citizens to invest in the country and pushing them out of the country, a persistent effort to make Eritreans work for the government rather than encouraging them to create their own businesses is not only misguided but also destructive. Governments cannot be a sole economic actor that employs the citizens of the country. If that is the intention, then the Eritrean government needs to make clear to its citizens that it is following the failed socialist economy. In the new era of new-found peace, Eritreans should not be victimized by the wrong economic policies of their government. In fact, such persistent action by the government on the economy is now forcing many Eritreans to doubt about the sincerity and intentions of their government. Consequently, some people that I met recently expressed to me that the intention of the government is to make sure that Eritrea remains poor so that it becomes submissive to and governable by one party system. I personally do not believe that is the objective of the government, but I strongly believe that it is with paramount importance for the government to open the economy to private investment and reduce the control of the PFDJ parastatal business organizations on the economy.

Currency.

The lack of supply of domestic currency in the market and tight control on withdrawals from banks resulted in a very strong domestic currency in Eritrea. The question is what does this mean to the economy? Economic theory tells us that countries with strong domestic currency are more inclined to import than export. This is because if you have a strong domestic currency, the cost of goods produced in the domestic market will be very expensive to the buyers in the intended export market. This will result in the domestic manufacturing firms closing their doors and turning themselves to import businesses. The question is if the Eritrean government wants to keep a strong Nakfa, more expensive than Birr, is it willing to turn Eritrea into import/service economy? If the government believes more jobs can be created by making Eritrea a service economy than manufacturing, then the current currency policy is a right policy. However, the consequence is severe. Eritrea will give up all small and medium manufacturing firms, including those in the Agro industry. Moreover, with the current currency policy, Eritrea will not be attractive to any foreign investor who wants to manufacture goods in Eritrea for export including to Ethiopia. Therefore, the Eritrean government needs to make clear to its people which way it is going so that experts will be able to evaluate the adopted policy’s contribution to the future growth potential of the country.

Border trade.

Although it is too short time to criticize or support the government border trade policy with Ethiopia, the flow of goods and people between Ethiopia and Eritrea is a positive phenomenon that resulted from the normalization of relationship between the two countries. However, many people have expressed their concern that the lack of clear trade procedures in the border areas may lead to frictions between the two countries. I take this as a positive observation and concern by citizens who want to see the trade relationship between the two countries continue to grow and prosper. If we are going to believe that the two countries agreed to have free/open trade relationship, the consequence of such policy on the Eritrean economy and future trade relationship between Eritrea and Ethiopia needs to be studied. If not, leader’s goodwill may not be enough to have sustainable and effective trade relationship between the two countries. The fact that Ethiopia has an upper hand in manufacturing and the current trade policy is advantageous for Ethiopia to make Eritrea a damping market, for the short-term open trade policy may be acceptable to Ethiopia. However, by the time Eritrea specializes and comes up with products that could be exported to Ethiopia, it will not be long before the Ethiopian manufactures start to blame the Ethiopian government for agreeing with Eritrea to have an open or free trade. That was what happened during the 1993-1997 trade relationship between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Therefore, unless we are willing to let others take advantage of us, in the future, the current border trade agreement with Ethiopia may not be good for Eritrea and needs scrutiny by experts.

Politics, Law and social environment.

For the last 20 years the Eritrean political, legal and social atmosphere has been very bad to say the least. However, equally, it is possible to justify the shortcomings in the Eritrean politics, legal system and social atmosphere by the country’s challenging and difficult situations it has been going through. Therefore, now that the situation has changed, it is important to look forward and do some deep thinking on how to align our political, economic, legal and social environment to make it conducive to the future prosperity and growth of our common country.

Bad political and Legal environment is bad for investment.

Before investing in any country, any foreign or domestic investor wants to see a good economic policy, political environment, legal system and social environment prevail in the country. In the current Eritrean situation, it is less likely for the country to attract foreign investment. Off course one may argue that even though the situation of the country was bad enough Eritrea was able to attract many mining companies. But the argument may be lacking the understanding of the challenges and pressures those companies faced because they did business with Eritrea. The lawsuits against Nevsun and others are real examples of the challenges foreign companies could face by operating in Eritrea. Moreover, had we had a better political and legal environment, we could have attracted more mining companies and extracted better deals. Until recently all investments in Eritrea were undervalued. Hence it is important to revise and improve the political and legal environment. Accordingly, three major issues need immediate attention.

Political

The past Eritrean politics was a politics of war. It was based on enmity and friction. The government’s draconian actions against private press, dissent and free expression of opinion has turned the bad situation into worse. Unless we change this situation as soon as possible and create a peace time political system, Eritrea will not get out of the deep whole it currently finds itself. Often the government explained that the reason for holding prisoners for a long time was because their case was related to the border war. Now that the border issue is resolved, it is time to bring the prisoners into the court of law or release them on time served. Not doing so will lead to the suspicion that the arrest of these people may have not been for the right reason. Moreover, it will have a negative effect on the future of Eritrea. Also, it may take time, but it is important to transition Eritrea into constitutional government based on checks and balances. Although we appreciate their selfless sacrifices for the 30 years of struggle and later during the challenging time of TPLF aggression against Eritrea, it is important for our leaders to understand that Eritrea does not belong to only one generation. Its development and prosperity will depend on our effectiveness to establish a continuing and participatory political system at all levels. Therefore, there should be a retirement age for government officials so that they can be replaced by younger people with new ideas and energy. If the current officials do not learn when to step aside, then the issue may not be about love of country but love of power. I hate to see being the latter.

Legal system.

About three years ago, the Eritrean president, Isaias Afewerki, declared that Eritrea would write and unveil a new constitution. Since then nothing has been heard of about it. As a result, I believe the government and people of Eritrea perfectly know how important it is for the country to have a working constitution. Therefore, it is time to mobilize the resources and unveil a new constitution that is aligned with the country’s economic, political and social realities. If not, unfulfilled popular demand and promises will not lead to development and prosperity. To the contrary, it will lead to dissatisfaction and explosion.

Socio cultural system.

Among the important and cherished inheritances of Eritreans from their ancestors are hard work, openness, honesty, fairness, love for education, not engaging in unethical cultural practices, and helping each other. Currently, these values, that are an important fabric of Eritrea’s social culture, are in danger. One of the reasons for such sad situation is the damage the 20 years of war and subsequent no war and no peace policy inflicted on the Eritrean nuclear family. Recognizing its positive contribution to defense and reconstruction of the country, the prolonged national service had incalculable damage to the nuclear family. Now that the country is transitioning to peace, it is time to rehabilitate the national service members to their family. Prolonging the national service and pushing the members to the extent that they lose hope in their country and decide to end up in refugee camps in Tigray is not the work of a responsible government. To avoid its responsibility for their rehabilitation and remove the threat to the government that may come from releasing thousands of youngsters to the streets of Asmara, pessimists expect the Eritrean government to continue pushing national service members to cross the borders to Tigray and end up in refugee camps. I am hopeful that the Eritrean government will choose the right thing to do than thinking only about protecting its power.

Conclusion

Eritrea have been through very difficult time economically, politically, legally and socially. Fortunately, now we are at a juncture we can see the horizon of peace and prosperity. However, such expected peace and property will demand change from the war economy, political, legal and social environment into peace economy, politics, legal and social system. Many people I recently met have been pessimistic about the government’s willingness to introduce these changes. Contrary to the pessimists, I choose to remain hopeful because I strongly believe that the common goal is to see peaceful and prosperous Eritrea. If not, history will not be kind to all of us.

Victory to the Masses.

Eternal Peace and Glory to our Martyrs.




Disability is not Inability

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Disability is not Inability
Dr. Fikrejesus Amahazion


Earlier this week, on 3 December, the International Day of Disabled Persons (IDDP) was commemorated in countries around the world. IDDP was proclaimed in 1992 through United Nations General Assembly Resolution 47/3. Annually celebrated, IDDP aims to increase public awareness, understanding, and acceptance of people with disability, celebrate their achievements and contributions, and promote the rights and well-being of persons with disabilities in all spheres of society. With IDDP representing an important opportunity to raise awareness and address misconceptions, this article provides a general overview of disability and briefly explores disability within the context of Eritrea.

As a concept, disability is complex, dynamic, multidimensional, and contested. It can generally be defined as a condition or function judged to be significantly impaired relative to the usual standard of an individual of their group. The term is often used to refer to individual functioning, including physical impairment, sensory impairment, cognitive impairment, intellectual impairment, mental illness, and various types of chronic disease. According to data from a range of regional and international organizations, there are over one billion people – or approximately 15 percent of the world's population – living with some form of disability. Notably, about 80 percent live in developing countries and between 100 and 200 million disabled persons are children. Disability disproportionately affects vulnerable populations, and it is more common among women, older people, and children and adults who are poor. Rates of disability are increasing due to population ageing and increases in chronic health conditions, among other causes. Something important to keep in mind when discussing disability is that disability is a basic part of the human condition. In fact, almost everyone is temporarily or permanently impaired at some point in their life (UNICEF 2015; WHO 2014).

Around the world, individuals living with disabilities, often regarded as “the world’s largest minority”, are confronted by a range of challenges. For example, despite having the same general health care needs as others within the general population, persons with disabilities are more likely to find health care providers’ skills and facilities inadequate, more likely to be denied health care, and more likely to be treated poorly within the health care system. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), globally approximately 200 million people need glasses or other low-vision devices, yet do not have access to them, while the global production of hearing aids only meets about 10% of the global need – and only about 3% of developing countries’ needs (WHO 2016).

In addition to having generally poorer health, people living with disabilities tend to have fewer economic opportunities, lower rates of employment, a higher risk of violence, and higher rates of poverty than people without disabilities. Regarding poverty, people with disabilities often face worse living conditions – including insufficient food, poor housing, and a lack of access to safe water and sanitation – than non-disabled people. Since they have extra costs, such as medical care, assistive devices, or personal support, people with disabilities are generally poorer than non-disabled people with similar income (WHO 2016).

People living with disabilities are also confronted with challenges in education. For example, they have lower education achievements, children with disabilities are less likely to attend school than non-disabled children, and fewer than 5% of adults living with disabilities across Africa are able to read or write (WHO n.d.).

Beyond the challenges outlined above, individuals living with a disability must also deal with stigma, discrimination, and stereotypes. Stigma is described as a dynamic process of devaluation that significantly discredits an individual in the eyes of others (Goffman 1963), while discrimination refers to any form of arbitrary distinction, exclusion, or restriction affecting a person, usually, but not only, by virtue of an inherent personal characteristic or perceived belonging to a particular group. Finally, stereotyping is judging or characterizing everyone in a group in the same way based on one’s own opinion or those of others. Although stereotypes may be true or partly true in some cases, they are certainly not true in all cases. Moreover, although they may, at times, be “positive”, they are quite often “negative” and harmful.

Stigma, discrimination, and stereotypes associated with disability are frequently driven by a lack of understanding and awareness regarding the causes of disabilities and their resulting characteristics. Importantly, misconceptions about the cause of disabilities often arise from cultural or religious beliefs. For instance, in many countries, including Eritrea, disability is often blamed on misdeeds of ancestors, parents, or the person with a disability. Additionally, disabilities may be attributed to supernatural forces, such as demons, spirits, or witchcraft, or seen as punishment or fate from God. Misconceptions about the nature and abilities of people with disabilities include: that they are unable to contribute financially; that they are not able to have a normal relationship; that their disability is contagious or they bring bad luck; that their bodies have magical powers; or that they are witches (Rohwerder 2018).

Stigma, stereotypes, and discrimination – prevalent both around the world and within Eritrea – mean that people with disabilities are often perceived as less than human or a source of shame. Ultimately, they have serious and negative consequences for how people with disabilities are treated and they often restrict those with disabilities from participating in society on an equal basis with others.

In Eritrea, although there has been much progress in supporting people with disabilities, a great deal of work still needs to be done. The following are several humble recommendations of possible steps that may be taken in the country.

First, along the lines of the maxim, “change begins with you,” completing the work still to be done can, and should, begin with us, as individuals, families, and communities. Specifically, it is necessary that we change our harmful attitudes and behaviors towards those with disabilities. Rather than view, categorize, or patronize those with disabilities as limited, objects of pity or charity, or undesirable others, we should first recognize them as human beings. We should all remember that a person with a disability is a person with inherent worth and we should treat him or her as we would want to be treated. Moreover, we must keep in mind that disability is not inability and that people living with a disability are, like every other person in society, capable individuals. Ultimately, seeing and perceiving people with disabilities as human beings leads to viewing them as individuals who deserve respect and accepting them as active, empowered, efficacious members of society.

Of course, it is likely that the process of change will require time and patience since stigma, discrimination, stereotypes, and negative attitudes towards the disabled are deeply entrenched within some of our communities. Rather than discourage us, however, that fact should inspire us to strengthen our commitment and redouble our efforts to bring about positive change. The Eritrean government and other organizations can also play a role through developing (or expanding) public awareness and education campaigns and supporting local advocacy and community groups.

Another important step that Eritrea can take is to ratify the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol (A/RES/61/106), adopted on 13 December 2006 and opened for signature on 30 March 2007. Currently, there are 177 ratifications to the Convention and 92 ratifications to its Optional Protocol. Importantly, ratification of these landmark international documents will reflect firm political commitment towards ensuring that all Eritreans, regardless of whether they are disabled, can fully realize their rights without discrimination. However, it is crucial that ratification is followed by concrete measures and implementation, lest it become a hollow gesture.

Last, another area where support can be extended to people with disabilities is education. While Eritrea commendably extends free education (across all levels) to every citizen, individuals with disabilities often require special support, including a disability-friendly environment and inclusive curricula, specially-trained teachers, and learning aids or assistive technology, amongst other things. Not only are these measures fundamentally important in protecting and ensuring the rights of those with disabilities, they are also highly beneficial to the entire society. A large body of research illustrates that inclusive education can lead to better learning outcomes for all youth, not only those with disabilities. For example, inclusive education promotes tolerance, enables social cohesion (since it fosters a cohesive social culture), and promotes equal participation within society. Furthermore, it is more cost-effective than separate schooling or institutionalization (the latter of which poses severe consequences and implications), and can encourage inclusive labor markets which lead to a more efficient economy.

Sanitation: basic need, matter of dignity, and fundamental human right

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UNICEF-Eritrea staff with Her Excellency Amina Nurhussein, Minister of Health & Dr Andat Tefatsion, DG Health

Sanitation: basic need, matter of dignity, and fundamental human right
Dr. Fikrejesus Amahazion
15 December 2018


Earlier this week, a two-day conference on sanitation, jointly organized by Eritrea’s Ministry of Health and UNICEF, the world’s leading organization for the rights of children and young people, was conducted at the Asmara Palace Hotel. The conference featured a number of different events, including a pair of important addresses delivered by Ms. Amina Nurhussein, Eritrea’s Minister of Health, and Dr. Pierre Ngom, UNICEF’s Country Representative in Eritrea. Eritrea, like many countries in Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), is working to improve access to basic and safe sanitation. This article presents a general overview of sanitation and provides a brief discussion about sanitation in Eritrea.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), sanitation refers to “the provision of facilities and services for the safe management of human excreta from the toilet to containment and storage and treatment onsite or conveyance, treatment and eventual safe end use or disposal” (WHO 2018). Sanitation is a basic need, a matter of dignity, and a fundamental human right. In July 2010, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) adopted a resolution (A/RES/64/292) which explicitly recognized “the right to safe and clean drinking water and sanitation as a human right that is essential for the full enjoyment of life and all human rights.” Sanitation was also explicitly recognized as a distinct right in a UNGA resolution adopted by consensus by Member States on 17 December 2015. However, according to the United Nations (UN), at present, billions of people worldwide – mostly residing in Asia and SSA – are confronted by significant challenges to safe and basic sanitation. For example, about 60 percent of people around the world lack access to safely managed sanitation facilities, at least 892 million people continue to practice open defecation, and approximately 4 billion people lack access to basic sanitation services, such as toilets or latrines.

Unsafe sanitation is a massive global problem that is becoming more urgent as the world’s population increases and trends like water scarcity and urbanization intensify. Importantly, lacking access to sanitation is associated with a number of significant health risks and other issues. For instance, preventable water and sanitation-related diarrheal diseases kill more than 2 million people every year. Most of those are children under the age of 5. In fact, the number of children under the age of 5 annually dying from water and sanitation-related diseases is greater than the number dying from AIDS, measles, and tuberculosis combined (WHO 2016). Sanitation is also a gender equality issue; women and girls suffer disproportionately from lack of privacy and the health and personal safety risks associated with not having access to household sanitation.

Increasingly, access to safe and basic sanitation has become a priority for governments and the international development community. There is a considerable amount of research illustrating how illnesses and diseases arising from a lack of water and sanitation lead to considerable losses in productivity, burden individuals, families, communities, and healthcare systems with massive costs, and ultimately stunt national economies. According to several estimates, the lack of proper sanitation costs the world an estimated $US 223 billion every year. Additionally, worldwide, it is estimated that every dollar spent on sanitation on average provides at least five dollars in economic return (UN n.d.). Through addressing sanitation, countries can promote development and growth. For example, health gains from sanitation reduce individual health care costs and lost earnings related to poor health, as well as enhance attendance and achievement in schools. Moreover, sanitation can reduce the two main causes of death for children, acute respiratory infections and diarrhea, while sanitation within schools increases and sustains enrolment, of adolescent girls in particular (Hunt 2006).

As a part of the UN’s Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the international community aimed to halve the proportion of those unserved by improved sanitation by 2015. Despite some progress, however, the sanitation target was missed by one of the widest margins of all the 18 targets under the MDGs. Subsequently, access to basic and safe sanitation has become an important part of the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. Specifically, goal 6.2 calls for ending open defecation and providing adequate, equitable, and safely managed sanitation for all people by the year 2030.

Eritrea, a low-income, developing country located in the Horn of Africa, is one of the world’s youngest countries. It achieved independence in 1991, after waging a 30 year war for liberation. Over a relatively short period of time, it has made considerable progress in relation to sanitation. For example, at independence, basic public services, such as sanitation, “were almost non-existent,” while utilities, such as clean and safe water, “were in short supply.” In fact, only approximately 15% of the national population had access to clean and safe water (Kidane 2016). However, the proportion of households without flush toilets or ventilated improved pit latrines declined from 87.2% (figures for the period 1993 to 2005) to 68% in 2015. Moreover, in recent years, access to clean drinking water in rural and urban communities has risen to 85%, dramatically higher than the meager figure at the onset of independence.

Notably, community-led total sanitation (CLTS) was adopted by the Government of Eritrea in late 2007. CLTS is an innovative, low-cost approach to rural sanitation where communities are facilitated to assess their own sanitation situation, analyze and take action to stop open defecation and build their own latrines without any subsidy and using locally available materials. The adoption of the CLTS approach helped create a significant shift in hygiene and sanitation promotion in many parts of the country. Over the years, numerous villages and areas of Eritrea have been declared “open defecation free.”

Despite these notable improvements, a substantial amount of work still needs to be done. For example, in many parts of the country, rural and urban, young and old people lack access to basic sanitation facilities and many practice open defecation. As with many countries in SSA and Asia, Eritrea’s poorest citizens have the least access to improved sanitation and they suffer the greatest burdens. Moreover, although there are some public toilets, these are few and inadequate to serve the numbers who use them, generally inaccessible for the elderly and infirm, and often have limited access, particularly at night when they are frequently locked.

Safe sanitation is a basic need, a matter of dignity, and a fundamental human right. Moreover, it is essential to a healthy and sustainable future for developing economies. Although sanitation is often taken for granted by many within the developed world, billions of people living in developing countries, such as Eritrea, still face significant challenges. Moving forward, it is imperative that sanitation remain a priority issue for the country’s policymakers and public authorities. Ultimately, through enabling widespread use of safely managed and sustainable sanitation services, Eritrea can help protect the fundamental rights and dignity of its people – particularly the most marginalized and disadvantaged – and contribute to positive health, economic, and gender equality outcomes across the country.

US Embassy slams ‘baseless’ claims of US role in Prime Minister Abiy’s selection processes

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U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia Michael Raynor. Courtesy of the US Embassy website


US Embassy slams ‘baseless’ claims of US role in Prime Minister Abiy’s selection processes

By EthiopiaObserver

The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa on Tuesday rejected allegations by a founding member of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) that the United States was involved in the appointment of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed who took the helm of the ruling party on March 2018.

At a conference organized by Mekele University over the weekend, the retired Tigrayan official, Sebhat Nega said he had “no doubt” that the US government had played an active role in pushing the appointment of Abiy Ahmed. He offered no evidence to support the allegations.

The finger-pointing comes as many TPLF officials who felt side-lined escalate rhetorical attack against the chairman of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed.

U.S. Embassy spokesman in Addis Ababa, Nicholas Barnett said “I want to be perfectly clear that any claims of U.S. involvement in the selection process of the Prime Minister of Ethiopia are completely baseless,” speaking to VOA Horn of Africa Service. He said the U.S believes both in theory and practice in respecting Ethiopia’s sovereignty and the right of individuals to vote for their own leaders. “We see Prime Minister Abiy’s election as chairman of EPRDF as reflection of people’s interest for reform, representative political system and participative democracy. We certainly support the Prime Minister’s reform agenda. But we had no role to play in his election,” he said.

Sebaht Nega was commenting to a presentation by Berekt Simoen, another retired figure of the EPRDF who claimed that one of the reasons for the escalating violence in the country is the increasing foreign intervention. Berekt named the Eritrean president Isaias Afewerki as an example whom he said was meddling in the country’s internal affairs, mentioning his “Game over for TPLF officials” remark.

In a reaction to Bereket, Sebhat Nega took the charge even further, implicating Donald Yamamoto, a senior African diplomat in the Trump administration and currently serving as U.S. ambassador to Somalia in directly involving in Abiy’s election as chairman of the ruling party on March 2018. “Many of us have opposed that intervention, saying the US would not choose a chairman for us, including you, Bereket,” he said. “Who was that American ambassador who has a Japanese face? He came in person and we knew that he was officially engaged in the election process,” Sebhat said.

“The real threat isn’t foreign intervention “

Dr. Merera Gudina, the chairman of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress, says the cause of the country’s security problems is conflict within the ruling party, manifested by the faction who stood against the ongoing reform movement. “The real threat isn’t foreign intervention but it is rather the fact that EPRDF members are not in agreement with each other to advance the political reform. In a bid for power, one faction attempts to push it forward, another backward, throwing the country into unprecedented chaos.”

Merera cited the example of Abdi Iley, the former Somali state president currently behind bars, who he described was the regime’s security apparatus stooge. “He has been the chiefly responsible for causing the conflict in Somali and Oromo region that lasted for more than a year and half, producing the displacement of one million people. Even after his arrest, the violence has not ended yet.”

“Today in the large area covering from Borena to Chinakson, there are medley of armed groups freely moving around. According to some reports I’ve received, the defence force has been turning a blind eye when they were burning and plundering villages, using heavy artillery. On should ask, who is backing them? Who is financing them?”

“Similarly, the conflict characterized as ethnic in Wollega-Gumuz border is much more complex than it presented. Some even talk about the presence of secret military camps in the area. Here it is said more than 200,000 people have been displaced. Who are these armed people, where are they getting the arms from? They are not foreign forces, rather domestic ones who oppose the pace of the change, bent on destabilizing the country ,” Merera said.



Eritreans showcase Made - in - Eritrea products!

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Eritreans showcase Made - in - Eritrea products!

The Eritrean delegation and exhibitors at the IATF are using the fair to showcase Made in Eritrea
products as well as project the country as a tourist destination.

Led by Mr. Hagos Ghebrehiwet, Head of Economics Affairs, Eritrea is championing this initiative under the auspices of 'Discover Eritrea' Programme. Mr. Yared Tesfay, Coordinator of the programme says IATF is a great opportunity to promote Eritrea and its potential. The 'Discover Eritrea' Programme is expected to help reinforce the fact that Eritrean companies are fast becoming the leading manufacturer of quality products in the African Continent.

Representative of Eritrean companies including Piccini, Dolce Vita, Eritrean Airlines, The Fred Hollows IOL Lab, Marble & Granite were showcasing their products and services.

Many High Profile Personality visit the Eritrean Pavilion during the Trade Fair such as willing Ambassador Didier Drogba former Chelsea all time Goal Scorer, Prof. Okey Oramah President of AfreximBank, Kanayo Awani Managing Director of the Intra-African Trade Initiative and Dr. Albert Muchanga Commissioner for Trade & Industry of African Union Commission.

Eritreans are also taking advantage of the fair to look potential tourists and future trade partners the country. Against this backdrop, the 'Discover Eritrea' Team is showcasing Eritrea's 'Top5' tourist attractions such as Eritrea's 380 untouched Islands, Best Diving & Coral Reefs on the Planet, Steam Train, Birds Watch 660 different species and the City of Dreams 'Asmara Art Deco' a World Heritage Site.

The 'Discover Eritrea' team at the fair said they have been emboldened to showcase the country's economic potential based on the unflinching support of the country's delegation which include Mr. Hagos Ghebrhiwet, Head of Economic Affairs, H.E. Fassil Ghebreslassie, Eritrean Ambassador to Egypt, Mr. Berhane Ghebrhiwet, General Manager of Housing & Commerce Bank of Eritrea.

The next IATF 2020 will be held in Kigali Rwanda.

'Discover Eritrea' with striking design is organized by the Government of Eritrea in collaboration with London based Brand Communication.

Embassy Media
















Sudan protests: Police fire tear gas as violence spreads

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Sudan protests: Police fire tear gas as violence spreads

By BBC

Police in Sudan have fired tear gas at protesters as part of violent anti-government protests that have spread across the country.

Hundreds of demonstrators blocked a road near a football stadium in the capital, Khartoum, on Sunday before clashing with riot police.

Opposition figures say 22 demonstrators have been killed since Wednesday, but officials say the figure is much lower.

The protests erupted after bread and fuel price rises were announced.

Over the past year, the cost of some goods has more than doubled, inflation has risen to nearly 70%, the value of the Sudanese pound has fallen sharply and shortages have been reported in cities including the capital Khartoum.

A group of doctors has also said that its members will go on strike from Monday to increase pressure on President Omar al-Bashir.

What is the latest?


Sunday's clashes happened as crowds of people spilled out of a football match in Khartoum.

They blocked roads and chanted anti-government slogans before riot police fired tear gas in an attempt to disperse them.

Earlier, footage on social media appeared to show continuing protests in a number of areas.

The Central Sudanese Committee of Doctors said its members had seen protesters in hospitals with gunshot wounds and said there had been a number of deaths and injuries.

On Saturday the authorities arrested 14 leaders of the National Consensus Forces, an opposition coalition, including the grouping's 85-year-old leader Farouk Abu Issa, a spokesman said.

"We demand their immediate release, and their arrest is an attempt by the regime to stop the street movements," spokesman Sadiq Youssef said.

What is the opposition saying?

On Saturday Sadiq al-Mahdi, leader of the main opposition Umma party, condemned "armed repression" and said the protests were fuelled by the "deteriorating situation" in the country.

He also called for Mr Bashir's government to agree a peaceful transfer of power or face a confrontation with the Sudanese people.

"It will be a losing confrontation for the regime, as it will increase its failures and closes its horizons," the Paris-based Sudan Tribune website quoted him as saying.

Mr Mahdi - who was was prime minister from 1966 to 1967 and again from 1986 to 1989 - returned from almost a year in exile on Wednesday.

His government was the last to be democratically elected in the country and was toppled in a 1989 coup launched by Mr al-Bashir, who has since been accused of organising war crimes and crimes against humanity in Sudan's western region of Darfur by the International Criminal Court.

How did the protests begin?

They started in the eastern town of Atbara, where demonstrators burned the offices of Mr Bashir's National Congress party.

Witnesses said that in some areas the military was not intervening and even appeared to be siding with the demonstrators.

A presidential adviser, Faisal Hassan Ibrahim, said two of those killed in al-Qadarif were soldiers in civilian clothes. He said the protests were being directed by "organised entities", without giving further details.

Demonstrations spread to Khartoum and its twin city Omdurman as well as other areas.


On Saturday AFP quoted witnesses as saying police used tear gas and beat protesters calling for Mr Bashir to step down in Wad Madani, south-east of Khartoum.

In El Rahad, south-west of Khartoum, the NCP office and other administrative offices were set ablaze and protesters chanting "no to hunger" were tear-gassed, another witness said.

Why is Sudan's economy in trouble?

Mr Bashir was accused of sponsoring terrorism by the US in the 1990s and Sudan was placed under a trade embargo.

In 2011 South Sudan seceded from Sudan, taking with it three-quarters of the country's oil resources. That followed civil war that cost the lives of 1.5 million people.

Meanwhile a continuing conflict in the western region of Darfur has driven two million people from their homes and killed more than 200,000.

US sanctions were lifted in 2017 but there has been little improvement in the country's economy since.


Eritrea‘s Experience and State Craft Key to Peace in the Horn

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Eritrea‘s Experience and State Craft Key to Peace in the Horn

By Sophia Tesfamariam | Eritrea Profile

These are time of rapid, breath-taking, developments in the Horn of Africa region. The changes have bewildered analysts who have been pontificating about the Horn for decades, only to get it all wrong … over and over again.

Analysis predicated on faulty scholarship and distorted premises about the nations that make up the Horn and its peoples contributed to the misperceptions about the region. A shallow and poor understanding of the peoples’ cultural and historical ties contributed to the confusion and persistent narratives- and the policies crafted for the region. Peace remains a prerequisite for the nations to thrive, prosper and control their own destinies; but it has remained elusive for many regions of our world today.

After decades of conflict and destruction, the Horn of Africa is changing and peace is taking root. But analysts and journalists are still falling all over each other and the facts, to try to explain how that came about, how the Horn’s leaders decided to eliminate war as a legitimate tool of statecraft. There are also the conflict entrepreneurs in the region that have not accepted the change, or are not happy that the change is not what they were seeking. As it happens, the negative attitudes and misinformation campaigns persist. There is a desperate need for change in the normative discourse about peace and development and in the case of Eritrea, an almost overhaul of the existing scholarship. Eritrea has defied the odds and changed the Horn region one more time. What is needed is a sober and contextualized historical understanding of Eritrea. Understanding the new peace in the region requires deeper and nuanced scholarship than what is available for policy crafters. Discounting Eritrea’s role in the region once again, will be a strategic mistake.

But not all scholarship on peace is the same. In this respect, Charles A. Kupchan, a professor of international affairs at Georgetown University and senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, who has served on the National Security Council in the Clinton Administration, proffers a different take on peace making. He challenges conventional wisdom on how peace is sustained in his seminal book, “How Enemies Become Friends”, where he painstakingly analyzes peacemaking in international history and the many historical successes and failures. He provides critical insights for building lasting peace and exposes prevalent myths about the causes of peace.

For brevity’s sakes, the author will outline Kupchan’s 4-phase process for settling outstanding grievances, dampen geopolitical competition, and succeed in constructing a “zone of peace”:

Phase 1: Rapprochement- an opening gambit intended to signal benign as opposed to hostile intent.

Phase 2: The practice of reciprocal restraint. The states in question trade concessions, each cautiously stepping away from rivalry as it entertains the prospect that geopolitical competition may give way to programmatic cooperation.

Phase 3: Deepening of societal integration between the partner states. Transactions between the parties increase in frequency and intensity, resulting in more extensive contacts among governing officials, private-sector elites, and ordinary citizens. Interest groups that benefit from closer relations begin to invest in and lobby for the further reduction of economic and political barriers, adding momentum to the process of reconciliation.

Phase 4: The generation of new narratives and identities. Through official statements, popular culture (media, literature, and theater), the states embrace a new domestic discourse that alters the image they possess of the other.

The peace declarations between Eritrea and Ethiopia; the tripartite agreement between Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia; and, peace talks between Eritrea and Djibouti have changed the atmosphere in the Horn from one of mistrust to one of trust, to partnership as opposed to brinkmanship, and to economic cooperation and integration, over political competition. As we have seen in the last 20 years, peace can prevail only when there is genuine dialogue - not intimidation and intransigence. Peace comes when parties to a dispute respect agreements signed and when there is a show of genuine good will. Kupchan reminds us that:

“…The great geopolitical breakthroughs of recent decades came not when one side coerced the other into submission, but through bold diplomatic gambits...”

With the removal of the belligerent minority TPLF regime in Ethiopia, the Horn has embarked on a path to sustainable peace.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed pledged to accept and implement the Algiers Agreement between Eritrea and Ethiopia in full, bringing an end to the 20 year long deadlock. The previous regime’s intransigence and refusal to accept the Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission’s final and binding delimitation and demarcation decisions and its belligerence towards Eritrea contributed to the hostility that lingered since. Some analysts and journalists are discounting the sustainability of the developments in the region citing inequality in the political systems in the region.

Ethiopia was said to be “democratic” and its leaders hailed because the TPLF regime held elections (albeit sham ones). But its ethnic based governance structures proved weak and contributed to the marginalization of populations that led to deadly conflicts that resulted in the deaths of thousands, displacement of millions, and threatened to engulf the entire country. PM Abiy Ahmed inherited an Ethiopia that was threatening to implode. The international community’s appeasement of the TPLF regime, the diplomatic, political, and military support and shield it received emboldened it to violate international law and the sovereign rights of neighboring states.

Eritrea has been maligned and labeled “undemocratic” for not “conducting elections” since 1997. There are many cogent and well-known external reasons why the process was derailed and delayed. These will not be addressed in this sitting, and have been raised only to illustrate a point. The fact is Eritrea remains the most stable country in the region because its governance structures, from the village level to the national level, are rooted in the country’s strong social and political institutions. Kupchan says that while democracy is a clear concept which can be introduced and adopted by states, “good governance is vaguer and not as easily transferable”, and it is not something that can be delivered by external agencies.

Strong, reliable, responsive and incorruptible governance structures are key to any political system. The Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), the “highest organizational expression “of the Eritrean people’s dreams and aspirations is the stabilizing linchpin of independent Eritrea’s political system and is the product of Eritrea’s long history of resilience. The EPLF-now the Peoples Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) is an organization with legitimacy and broadly based support in Eritrean society and has proven to be vital in the ongoing nation building process. Eritrea’s stable governance structures have kept the nation intact and thriving despite the seemingly insurmountable challenges that the new nation faced post-independence.

For all the difficulties it has faced, Somalia has the resilience, talent and natural resources to shape a better future. The TPLF regime used the “Global War on Terror” to advance its strategy of destabilization, and to settle accounts with Somalia, under the pretext of combating terrorism. Sustained foreign intervention and the deliberate fragmentation of the country into fiefdoms, enclaves and tribal territories have contributed to weakening of Somalia’s governance structures and destruction of its institutions. But today, Somalia, under the leadership of President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed is rebuilding its governance structures and is ready to embark on a new trajectory, making it a reliable partner for peace and prosperity in the region.

Contrary to popular opinion, a regime’s behavior indicates better than its type, its potential as a partner for peace. Kupchan says peace is created through the actions and interactions of statesmen; its key ingredient is diplomacy. Diplomacy, including public diplomacy, not economic interdependence, is the currency of peace. States should deal with other states based on their foreign policy behavior rather than on their political systems and in the case of the United States, its strategic interests in the Horn region will be advanced only when it respects the political systems and institutions of the states that make up the region and stops interfering in their internal affairs.

Peaceful international relations are easier to achieve with a stable, predictable, and credible state that other nations can rely on… The Horn of Africa recognizes Eritrea’s credibility and statecraft, defined by its principled values and consistency.


Eritrea ends lax border crossing to and from Ethiopia

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President Isaias Afwerki with Ethiopian Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed at the Eritrean-Ethiopian border - September 11, 2018


Eritrea ends lax border crossing to and from Ethiopia

By Borkena

Eritrean government seem to be tightening its border with Eritrea, especially along Zalambessa

Deutsche Welle (DW) Amharic service reported today that Ethiopians who were crossing to Eritrea through the border town of Zalambessa were requested laissez-passer by border guards. Apparently, those who do not have one were not allowed to Eritrea.

Also, DW Amharic cited its sources in the border town to report that the regulated border crossing active as of 6 a.m. local time.

Business and other travelers from the two countries were enjoying unrestricted border crossing since the reopening of the border in September after normalcy was resorted following the end of state of “no war – no peace” relation.

Vehicles that were not allowed to enter to Eritrea on grounds of lack of permission to enter were seen making long lines in the border area, according to DW Amharic report.

It remains unclear why Eritrea wanted to activate regulation of boarder crossing.

Ethiopian government officials have not remarked about the latest development in regards to border crossing. However, the ministry of revenue was discussing controlling mechanism vis-a-vis cross-border trade.

On the other hand, Debretsion Gebremical, Tigray Regional State president and chairman of Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), says that Business in Tigray region is working with Eritreans. In addition to the need to ensure peace with Eritrea, he added, people have understood the importance of economic cooperation, according a report by VOA Amharic service reporter Mulugeta Atsebeha.




Eritrea: Views and Musings

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In Eritrea, cycling is the most popular sport and a fundamental part of everyday life.


Eritrea: Views and Musings
Dr. Fikrejesus Amahazion

1. Should we consider bike lanes and helmets?

In an article featured within last week’s edition of Eritrea Profile (19 December), I wrote about general road and traffic safety issues in Eritrea. The main aim of the article was to outline a number of relatively quick, easy, cost-effective measures that could be implemented in the country to improve child road safety and driver compliance with school zones. Here, I would like to slightly expand upon the topic that I introduced last week by turning to the issue of cycling.

As I (and many others) have previously pointed out, in Eritrea, cycling is more than a sport. It is a mainstream activity and a fundamental part of people’s everyday lives. On any given day, roads across the country are filled with high-level cycling athletes training for their next major competition or with young, up and coming amateurs that are learning the basics and who harbor big dreams to be the country’s next great cycling star. In the country’s small towns and larger cities, bicycle shops and repair garages are always buzzing with activity, while neighborhoods in Eritrea are invariably packed with throngs of young children riding bikes for simple fun and pleasure. As well, people of all ages rely on cycling as a cheap mode of transport for various types of journeys: to work, to school, to shop, and more. Personally, I find cycling a convenient, quick way to get to wherever I need to go; it is much cheaper than taking a taxi and much faster and more comfortable than riding the public bus. Of course, it also offers a number of not insignificant health benefits, which are a great added bonus.

While cycling is such a major part of society in Eritrea, there are several important measures that should be considered by policymakers and local authorities in order to address certain issues and make cycling more convenient, comfortable, and safer for all Eritreans.

For starters, one important thing to consider is the development of biking lanes, particularly in the country’s major urban areas. Bike lanes, which are basically a portion of the roadway that has been designated by striping, signage, and pavement markings for the preferential or exclusive use of bicyclists, are important and beneficial for several reasons. For example, they help define road space for bikes and for cars, allowing cyclists to ride at their preferred speed and helping to establish a more orderly flow of traffic. Accordingly, this can significantly reduce the rate of accidents and injuries. As well, the creation of bike lanes can prove beneficial to wheelchair users. Currently, many wheelchair users in Eritrea use the sidewalks and roads, both of which can be highly challenging for a variety of reasons (for example, sidewalk curbs can be difficult to navigate). However, the creation of bike lanes can provide a space for people in wheelchairs to travel safely and conveniently.

In addition to these benefits, bike lanes can also contribute to important healthcare savings. For example, a large body of research suggests that bike lanes can help increase rates of cycling, which, in turn, can provide considerable healthcare savings. Earlier this year, my research, published in the journal Transplantation, the official journal of the International Society of Nephrology and The Transplantation Society, discussed how prevalence rates for serious noncommunicable diseases, such as diabetes and hypertension, have considerably increased in Eritrea during recent years. While there are a number of factors that have contributed to these troubling trends, an important one has been reduced physical activity and the growth of sedentary lifestyles among greater segments of the population. However, increased moderate physical activity – such as cycling – greatly reduces an individual’s risk for diabetes and hypertension (as well as many other medical issues). In a low-income, developing country like Eritrea, the potential healthcare savings from reduced rates of diabetes and hypertension (or other serious diseases) associated with more of the population engaging in physical activities, such as cycling, should not be understated.

Last, bike lanes, through encouraging more people to cycle, can also have important social and environmental benefits. For example, they can increase the “liveability” or attractiveness of cities and urban areas, greatly decrease the amount of noise, and also support the environment through reducing pollution and greenhouse gas emissions.

Another important issue that policymakers and local authorities should consider is bicycle helmets. Although bicycle helmets provide cyclists with much needed protection and can greatly reduce the risk of significant injuries or fatalities, they are extremely rare in Eritrea. In fact, the only cyclists who seem to wear them are racers. Accordingly, policymakers and local authorities should explore ways to increase their usage among the general population of cyclists in the country. For example, awareness campaigns could be developed for schools, youth organizations, and other public mediums (such as the radio, television, and newspapers). Initially, the main focus could be on sensitization and increasing the public’s general understanding of the significance and benefits of utilizing bike helmets. Over time, however, local authorities could draft and enforce specific laws or guidelines. Of course, there should also be focus given to ensuring that bicycle helmets are easily accessible for all cyclists. Notably, the growing demand for helmets could also even potentially provide significant benefits for local shops, manufacturers, or distributors.

These measures are relatively simple and cheap to implement and they would provide a variety of significant benefits for individuals, communities, and the country, as a whole. Ultimately, they would help to ensure that cycling remains a fun, comfortable, safe, and convenient activity for Eritreans of all ages.

2. You can lose a wallet, but you can’t lose a country…

Last week, US President Donald Trump declared victory over ISIS in Syria and announced that the US was withdrawing its approximately 2,000 troops from the country. Unsurprisingly, the announcement drew a broad array of reactions. As well as mass hysteria and significant criticism, there was limited approval and praise. In addition, there were many who raised comments about how Trump’s decision would lead to the US “losing” Syria.

Setting aside any considerations about the situation in Syria or what the US decision to withdraw will possibly mean for Russia, Iran, Turkey, Israel, the Kurds, and the Middle East, the statement and terminology are especially revealing since they reflect, yet again, the hubris and arrogance that still pervade some parts of the world. The notion that the US could “lose Syria” – as if that country was theirs to lose in the first place – is absurd and an atavism of a bygone era. It starkly reveals a residual attitude from 19th century racism and hegemonic, colonial times.

Several years ago, the renowned scholar Noam Chomsky, while speaking about the post-World War II discourse about the US’ so-called loss of China, memorably stated, “I can lose my wallet, but I cannot lose yours. The tacit assumption of US discourse is that China was ours by right.” Similarly, the misguided assumption here is that Syria belongs to another country by right. In fact, it is a sovereign, independent nation, and regardless of how one views the conflict in Syria its protagonists, or the politics of the country and the region, referring and viewing countries as such illustrates how the colonial, Eurocentric mentality which had so long dominated – and harmed – the world is, in fact, still common and widespread.

As an African and a citizen of the Global South, of course, I found the comments particularly resonant since the continent and region have been the subjects of such outdated views and perspectives for so long. While colonialism has ended, the reality on the ground in Africa and much of the Global South is that political independence has not culminated in much desired independence or economic and cultural freedom (Afisi 2011: 5).

For my own country, Eritrea, seemingly not a day goes by without a mainstream commentator employing simplistic images and the usual stereotypes to describe the country. It is still easy to find the commentariat discussing Eritrea’s apparent lack of capacity, social organization, economic capability, or various other elements to transform itself into a supposedly functional, modern state. The country is regularly on the end of attempts to impose foreign cultural, value, or other systems, with absolutely no consideration or regard for its own needs or complex history, experiences, circumstances, or context. Even now, as the country is finally emerging from decades of war and unjust sanctions, and with its resilient people optimistically looking forward to a future of peace, security, cooperation, and development, many of the same actors that played a direct and toxic role in its dark past are seeking to pass judgment, offer unsolicited advice, and dictate its future.



In Eritrea, cycling is the most popular sport and a fundamental part of everyday life.


Kwame Nkrumah, author of “Neo-colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism” (1965).





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