Tewelde "Wedi Vacaro" Tesfamariam passes away at the age of 65

Tewelde  'Wedi Vacaro' Tesfamariam passes away at the age of 65


Tewelde Tesfamariam, who was more commonly known as "Wedi Vacaro" by his followers, passed away yesterday at the age of 65.

Tewelde, who had a history of medical issues, was receiving treatment in Italy before he reportedly died from an unspecified illness.

The burial ceremony will be held on Saturday October 25th at the San Michele Church in Busto Arsizio, Milano.

Known for his controversial regionalist politics, the heavyset businessman conducted speeches throughout North America and Europe in 2014 against the Eritrean government that made him the "new" face of the so-called opposition in the Diaspora. But it wasn't until Tewelde outlandishly boasted he could kill President Isaias Afwerki with the help of the Italian Mafia members that some his ardent followers started to question his extremism and ethics.

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Although Madote completely disagrees with Tewelde's inflammatory anti-Eritrea remarks and political positions, we still wish condolences to his family, as death is the only thing promised in life.

The West selectively uses human rights 'concerns' against countries that oppose its imperialism, while neglecting human rights in countries that are under their neo-colonialism.

ቅድሚ ናብ’ቲ ብጎይቶት ህዝቢ ዓለም ፡ ንሓደ ተማእዚዙ ዘይከይድ ህዝቢ: ስርዓት: ሃገር፡ ንኽብተን ፡ ንኽዝረግ ፡ ነቶም ምርቓ ዝዀኑ ሕብርታት ናይ’ቲ ህዝቢ ናብ መርገም ቀይሮም ሃይማኖት : ቀቢላ : ኣውራጃ ፡ ቢሄር ወዘተ ኣብ ትሕተ-ሃገራዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ከምዝጠማመትን ዝተፋነንን ጌርካ ንምምብርካኹ ዝተፈብረኸ ትእዛዝ። ልእኽቲ ወያነ ድማ ብጻብዕ ዝቑጸሩ ከድዓት ደቂ ሃገር ዓሲባ ፡ ብቐጥታ ምስ’ቲ ጉጅለ ዀይና ዝተተምየነ ዝምቡዕ ሰነድ ሓደ-ኽልተ ምባለይ ፡ ብዛዕባ’ቶም ናይ’ቶም ኣገልገልቲ ከደምቲ ቁርብ ወስ ከብል።

እዚ ንዓለምና መንድዓት ኰይንዋ ዘሎ “ኣህጉራዊ ስርዓት”፡ ወግሐ-ጸብሐ፡ ብሽም ውድብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሓያሎይ ሓላላት ሃገራትን ፡ ንጹሃት ህዝብታትን ፡ ዘይሕጋዊ ዓመጽን ቓጻን ኢዩ ዘካይድ ዘሎ። ሕልና ዘይብሎም ዘይመንግስታውያን ማሕበራት (NGO): "ተሓለቕቲ ሰብኣዊ መሰል"ኢና እናበሉ ሰብኣዊን ሃገራዊ መሰልን ንምግፋፍ ዓይኒ ዘይሓስዩ፡ ንረብሐኦምን ጣዕሞምን እምበር ንውጹዕ ዘይሓልዩ ሃርጋፋት ፡ ምእንቲ ስርሖም ከየቋርጾም ፡ ድራር-ዕለቶም ክይጐድሎም: ሃገራትን ህዝብታትን ንምብትታን ዘስደምም ጽሑፋትን ጸብጻባትን እናዀመሩ ከጣቑሱ ሰለም ከየበሉ ይሓድሩ ኣለዉ። ከም በዓል ዲኔሽ ማህታኒ ዝኣምሰሉ እሞ ኸኣ፡ ሕፋረቶም ቀሊዖም ፡ ብስም ውድብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ፡ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ብሓደ ሸያጥ ሃገር ዝዀነ ኤርትራዊ ክረጋገጽ ጻውዒት እናቕረቡ ፡ ኢድ ምስ ፈንጂ እዮም ተታሒዞም። እቲ ዘስደምም ግን እዚ ንዓለም ሰለሎ ኣእትዩላ ዘሎ “ኣህጉራዊ ስርዓት” ገበጣ ክጻወት ከም ዝተሳዕረ ሰብ : “ካብ ሓላፍነቱ ወሪዱ” ኢሉ ሓሊፍዎ ጥራይ ዘይኰነ፡ ነቲ ንሱን መሰልቱን ፡ ወያነን ከድዓትን ዘዳለዉዎ : ሕሰም ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዕላማ ዝገበረ ሰነድ፡ ዓይኒ ሕፍረት ዘይብሉ፡ ንቤት ምኽሪ ጸጥታ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ዝቐረበ ጸብጻብ ኢሉ ዘርጊሕዎ። ከም ንቡር ፡ ገበነኛ ንምስክር ኣይበቅዕን ኢዩ። ንሱ ዘዳለዎ ጸብጻብ’ውን ዉዱቕ ክኸውን ምተገብኦ። እንተዀነ ልኣኽቲ ዝለኣኽዎ ክገብር ጥራይ ስለ ዝተኸሽሐ እንሆ እቲ ዘይረብሕ ጸብጻቡ ብዘይ ዓይኒ-ሕፍረት ዘርጊሐሞ።

ትሕዝቶ “ጸብጻብ” ተቘጻጻሪ ጉጅለ ሶማልን ኤርትራን ምስ ረአኻ ፡ በቶም ንራህዋ ፣ ሰላም፣ ፍትሒ ፣ ዲሞክራሲን ፣ ሰብኣዊ-መሰልን፤ ህዝቢ ቅንጣብ እኳ ትኹን ኣበርክቶ ዘይገበሩ ነዞም ክብርታት እዚኣቶም ከም ዝሕለቑ ያኢ፡ የእዛን ሰማዒ ብዘጽምም፡ የዒንቲ መንበቢ ብዘንቁር፡ ኣእምሮ ወዲ ሰብ ብዘደንቁር ሓሶት ኣሰንዮም ከም’ዚ ዝኣመሰለ ናይ ኣቃጫጭ ሰነድ ክቐርብ ምርኣይ ፡ “እምም” ኢልካ ፡ ንግዜን ንኣህጉራዊ ንቕሓት ደቂ ሰብን ካብ ምሕዳግ ዝምረጽ ምርጫ የለን።

ጸብጻብ ተቘጻጻሪ ጉጅለ ሶማልን ኤርትራን፡

• “ኣብ’ዚ ነዚ ጸብጻብ’ዚ ዝሽፍኖ እዋን፡ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ፡ ኣብ ሶማል ወትሃደራዊ ምትእትታው ይፍጽም ምህላዉ ዝእምትዝዀነ ይኹን መርትዖ የብልናን! ዝዀነ ጭቡጥን ዘየማትእን ሓበሬታን’ውን ኣይረከብናን!እንተዀነ ፡ ብተዘዋዋሪ መንገዲ ፡ ኢድ ናይ ምእታው ተኽእሎ የብሉን ኣይንብልን ኢና።”


• “መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ፡ ንሰለስተ ናይ ደቡብ ሱዳን ዕጡቓት ሓይልታት፡ ብሄርኩለስ ሲ-130 ዝዓይነተ ነፋሪት ኣጽዋር ኣብ ኣርባዕተ ኣጋጣሚታት ሂቡ። ንናይ ሪኽ ማሻር ፣ ናይ ጆርጅ ኣቶር ደንግን፣ ናይ ደይቭድ ያው ያውን ሓይልታት ሓጊዙ። ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ግዜ ወትሃደራውን ሎጀስቲካውን ሓገዝ ጌሩ። መንግስቲ ደቡብ ሱዳን ግን ዝዀነ መርትዖ ኣይሃበናን። ነዚ ኽሲ’ዚ ዝድግፍ ሓበሬታ ግን ክንረክብ ኣይከኣልናን።”

“ነዚ ክትግዕታዶ ትርህጻ” እዩ ነገሩ። ገዓት ዘይኰነስ ፡ ዝጨነወን ፡ ዝበስነወን ብሒቝ ከቕርብ ኢዩ ሃቂኑ እንተበልና’ውን ኣየጋነናን። እወ ፡ እቲ ትሕዝቶ ናይ’ቲ ጸብጻብ ፡ ብኸም’ዚ ዝጠቐስናዮ ዝኣመሰለ ሃየ ተለየ ዝመልአ ፡ 116 ገጻት ዝወደአ ጉሓፍ‘ዩ። እዚ ግን ፡ ኣብ’ዚ መዋእል እዚ ዘገርም ኣይኰነን። እቶም ሰብ እኩይ ዕላማ ኣብ ዕላምኦም ይምርሹ ኣለዉ። ህዝብታት ሊብያ ፡ ሶማል: ዒራቕ : ሶርያ ወዘተ ከም’ቲ ናይ ንዮኮን ትልሚ ወሪድዎም ዘሎ መዓት ፡ ካብ ዝዀነ ሕልና ዘለዎ ፍጡር ዝተኸወለ ኣይኰነን። ኣብ’ዚ ዝወርድ ዘሎ መዓት፡ (ምብትታን ናይ ሃገራትን ህዝብታት) ግን ናይ ታሪኽ ተሓተቲ ኣለዉ። እዚኣቶም ቀድም-ቀዳድም እቶም መሃንድሳት ናይ’ዚ እኩይ ዕላማ እቶም ሰብ ፍሉይ ረብሓ እዮም። ካልኣይ እቶም ባዕዳውያን ፡ ኣገልገልቲ ናይ’ዞም ሰብ ፍሉይ ረብሓ እዮም። ብሳልሳይ ደረጃ ግንከ እቶም ታሪኽ ይቕረ ዘይብሎም ፡ እቶም ሸየጥቲ ሃገራዊ ረብሓን መሕጐል ሕብረተሰቦምን እዮም።

ከም’ቲ ታሪኽ ዝነግረና ፡ ሆላንዳውያን ብ1947 (ደሕሪ ካልኣይ ኲናት ዓለም) ካብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ምስ ተመልሱ፡ እቲ ዝበርትዐ ብድሆ ዝዀኖም፡ ነቶም ከዳዓት ደቂ ሃገር ይቕረ ምባል እዩ ኔሩ። ብዛዕባ ከምዚኦም ዝበሉ ከደዓት ገለ ምባል ድማ ባህርያዊ ይኸውን። ቅድምን ልዕሊ ኹሉን ፡ ቀዳሞት ኣንድነታውያን ብዝኣበስዎን ጠፊኡ ዝነበረ መሰል ንምምላስን ንምሕዋይን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ፡ ሃገሩ ዘፍቅር ዳርጋ ስለ ዘየለ ዝከፈሎ ረዚን ዋጋ ፡ ኣብ ዓለም መዳርግቲ የብሉን እንተበልና ምግናን ኣይኰነን።

ስለ ዝዀነ ፡ በጀካ በጻብዕ ዝቑጸሩ ዝነደዩ ሓደስቲ ኣንድነታውያን፡ ማለት እቶም ብሕዱር ሕማም ህርፋነ-መዝነት ዝተለኽፉ ፡ “ጀነራል ኔረ” : “ናይ እናት ሃገር መጸዋዕታ ተቀቢለ”፡ “ኢድ ሃይለስላሴ ስዒመ ኔረ”፡ “ኣምባሳደር ኤርትራ ኔረ” ወዘተ ዝብሉ፣ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ፡ “ተቓዋሚ እየ” ይበል ወይ’ውን ደጋፊ: ሕቶኡን ስክፍትኡን ካብ ክቱር ሃገራዊ ፍቕሪ እዩ ዝብገስ ዝብል እምነት ኣሎኒ።

ኣብ’ዚ ትምኒት ጽባቐ ኤርትራ ፡ እቲ ንኽተሎ ዘሎና መገዲ ጥራይ እዩ ዝፈላለ። እዚ ድማ ንርዱእ ምኽንያት እዩ። ዋጋ ዘይከፈለት ፡ ስዉእ ወይ ስንኩል ዘይብላ ፡ ስምብራትን በሰላን መግዛእቲ ዘይርከባ ስድራ-ቤት ኤርትራ ስለ ዘየላ እዩ። እቲ ዘገርም፡ ካብ’ዞም ሰብ ሕዱር ሕማም : ወይ ሓደስቲ ኣንድነታውያን ፡ እቲ ጸብጻብ ናይ’ቲ ተቖጻጻሪ ጉጅለ ብተደጋጋሚ ዝጠቕሶ ንሓደ ፡ "ኣብ ኤርትራ ጀነራል ኔረ"ዝብል ፡ ናይ ኤርትራዊ ጀነራል ክብሪ ዘይብሉ ውልቀ-ሰብ ኢዩ፡፡ ምኽንያቱ ፡ ኩሉ ተጋዳላይን ዉፍይ ኣባል ሓፋሽ ውድባት ህዝባዊ ግንባር ኰነ ተጋድሎ ሓርነትን፡ ኩሉ እቲ ብቅኑዕ መንፈስ ምእንቲ ሃገር ዝተቓለሰን ዝተበጀወን ብተግባሩ ናይ ጀነራላት ጀነራል ጥራይ ዘይኰነስ ፊልድ ማርሻልን ልዕሊኡን እዩ። ኩሉ’ቲ ኤርትራዊ ተጋዳላይ ፡ በቲ ዘሕለፎ መከራን መስገደልን፡ ዘርኣዮ መዘና-ኣልቦ ኒሕ፡ ሓቦ፡ ጽንዓትን ጅግነትን፡ ጥራይ በዓል ሓደ-ኽልተ ጽሩራ ጀነራል ዘይኰነስ ፡ ካልኦት ጀነራላት ዓለምና ሰቒለሞ ዘይፈልጡ 6-7 ጽሩራ ዝግብኦ ጀነራልን፡ መርኣያ ’ቲ ኹሉ ተወፋይነቱን ዓወታቱን’ውን ማእለያ ዘይብሉ መዳልያታትን ኒሻናትን ዝግብኦ ኢዩ። እንተዀነ ጽሩራኡ እቲ ጸይርዎ ዝጉዓዝ ዘሎ ስንክልናን እስኮጆን ኢዩ። ካብ’ቲ ምቕሉል ኤርትራዊ ባህሊን ዒብን ተበጊሱ ኸኣ፡ እዚ ኹሉ ተጋዳላይ ፡ ኣብ’ዚ ዝሓለፈ 23 ናይ ነጻነት ዓመታት ፡ መዝነቱ ጠቒሱ ፡ “ከም’ዚ እየ፡ ከም’ቲ እየ” እናበለ ዝንየትን ዑብ ዝብልን ርኢናን ሰሚዕናን ኣይንፈልጥን ኢና።

እዚ “ጀነራል” እዚ ግን ፡ ከም’ቲ ኣብ’ቲ ጽሑፍ ዘንበብናዮ ፡ ባዕሉ ዝፈጠሮ ፡ ብርቱዕ ናይ መንነት ቅልውላው ዝሳቐ-ሰብነት ዝለበሰ ሰብ ኰይኑ ካብ ዝከድዕ፡ “ጀነራል ኔረ ፡ ዝራኸቦም ሓለፍቲ ከም ዝሓበሩኒ” ካብ ዝብል እዋን ሓሊፍዎስ ፡ መሳልል ክድዓቱ ካብ ወያነ እንሆ ናብ ተቆጻጻሪ ጉጅለ ሰጊሩ ንርኢ ኣሎና።

ንእግረ መገድና ፡ እቲ ናይ ብሓቂ ኤርትራዊ ጀነራል: ሓደ ስርዓት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ክዕምጽ ከሎ: ቀምሽ ወያነ ተኸዲኑ፡ ወይ’ውን ኣብ መንኩብ ምዕራባውያን ተሓንጊሩ ኣይኰነን “ዉሕ ዉሕ” ክብል ዝግብኦ። እንታይ ድኣ ፡ ዘለዎ ጽልዋ ተጠቒሙ ፡ ዓገብ ክብልን፡ ለውጢ ከምጽእን ፡ ወይ ድማ በጃ ህዝቢ ክኸውን እዩ ዝግብኦ።

ንምዃኑ ፡ እዞም ከምዚኦም ዝኣመሰሉ ሓደስቲ ኣንድነታውያን ፡ ነቲ ብሃገራዊ ቓልሱ ፡ ሃገራዊ ናጽነት ንምምጻእ ዝዓበየ ተወፋይነት ዘርኣየን መወዳድርቲ ዘይብሉ ዋጋ ዝኸፈለን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ንተጋደልቲ ህዝባዊ ግንባርን ካልኦት ምእንቲ ኤርትራ ብንጽህና ዝተቓለሱን ሃገራውያን ፡ ኣብዘን ዝሓለፈ ልዕሊ 40 ዓመታት ፡ ሓሳባትካ ብሓርነት ምግላጽ ፡ ኣብ ህዋሳቶም ዝሰረጸ ፡ ኣካል መዓልታዊ ህይወቶም ክንሱን ፡ ምእንቲ ማዕርነት ፡ ፍትሒ ፡ ዲሞክራስን ምሉእ ሰብኣዊ-መሰላትን ረዚን ዋጋ ዝኸፈለን፡ ብማዕዶ ዀይኖም፡ "ዲሞክራሲ፣ ቅዋም፣ ምርጫ፣ ሰብኣዊ መሰል፣ ወዘተ"ኢሎም ዓጀው ጀው ክብልሉ ሃየንታ ኣለዎ። ከም’ቲ ናይ’ዞም ዑሱባት ብግዳም ተላኢኾም ዝገብርዎ፡ ዉሑስ ሰላም ንምዝራግ: ህዝቢ ሓድሕድ ንምንቛት: ሃገር ንምብትታን ፡ ናይ ተፎጥሮ ጸጋታት ሃገር ንምሕራጅ፡ ሃገራዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ንምብራዝን ምጥፋእን ዘይኰነስ ፡ በቲ ቕኑዕ መገዲ ፡ ካብ ውሽጥናን : ናትናን: ንሕና ንመልኮን: ቀዳምነትና ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወን ክብርታትና ኢዩ። ንዲሞክራሲ ፡ ንፍትሒ፡ ንሰብኣዊ መሰል ንኣሳታፊ ስርዓተ ፖለቲካ፡ ንነጻ ምርጫ ህዝቢ፡ ንቕዋማዊ መንግስትን ተማእዛዝነት ቅዋምን ካልእን ፡ ካብ ዝዀነ ኣብ ደምበ ወያነ ተጸጊዑ ከረጋግጾም ዝፍትን ንዱይ፡ እቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ህዝቡን ቀዳምነት ምርግጋጽ ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ከም ዕላማ ሒዙ ዝቃለስ ዘሎ ህዝቢ ኢዩ ዋንኦምን ኰስኳሲኦምን።

በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ፡ ነቲ ተዓሲቡ ፡ ሃገርን ህዝብን ከድሚ ዘይተበገሰ ፡ ሃገራዊ ህላወን ድሕነትን ኣብ ዋጋ ዕዳጋ ንኸእቱ ሃረምረም ዘይብል፡ ንሃገራዊ ረብሓን ንነባሪ ልኡላዊ ህላዌ ሃገር ዝሕለቕ ዜጋ፡ ንህዝባዊ ግንባር ይኹን ንመንግስቲ ኤርትራ ምንቃፍን ምእራምን ንቡር ኣሰራርሓ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እምበር ፡ ፉሉይ ትብዓት ዝሓትት ተግባር ኣይኰነን። ምእንቲ ሃገርን ብሩህ መጻኢኣን እቲ ዝለዓለ ዋጋ፡ መስዋእትን ስንክልናን ከይተረፈ ክቕብል፡ ግንባሩ እምበር ሒቁኡ ሂቡ ዘይፈልጥ ህዝቢ ስለ ዝዀነ። ንምዃኑ ፡ ነቶም ምስ'ዞም ሓደስቲ ኣንድነታውያን ፡ ብግርህና ተጸጊዖም ፡ ነቲ ዝመስሎም ለውጢ ንኽመጽእ ዝምነዩ ሕልንኦም ነዘን ዝስዕባ ሕቶታት ክምልስ ክገድፎም።

1. ወያነ ፡ እቲ “ህዝበይ” ኢሉ ዝቖጽሮ ኣብ ጎደናታት ኣዲስ ኣበባ ብጥይት ዝረሽረሸ ፉንፉን ስርዓት: እቲ መቓብር ሰማእታትና ዝፈሓረ ፡ ኣዴታትና ዝደፈረ፡ ንብረትና ዝራሰየ፡ ነቲ ካብኡ ንላዕሊ ንኢትዮጵያ ብኸብዲ ኢዱ ገዲፉ ብዝባን ኢዱ ዝተገዝአ ሓላል ህዝብና “ሕብሪ ዓይንኻ ባህ ኣይበለናን” ኢሉ ዘበሳበሰ ብዕሉግ ስርዓት፡ “ሰላም ዝዓሰላ፡ ሓያል፡ ስምርቲ ቅስንትን ምዕብልትን ኤርትራ ክትመጽእ ይሰርሕ እዩ” ኢሉ ዝሓስብ ኤርትራዊ ኣሎ? 


2. ሳሆ ፣ ኩናማ ፣ ዓፈር፡ “ጽሉእ ብሄረ ትግርኛ” ፡ “ዝተወጽዐ ተኸታል እምነት ምስልምና” ወዘተ እናበለ፡ ዝጐዛዘዮም ፡ ልዕሊ 30 ዝዀኑ ጉጅለታት ፡ “ስልጣን ንዑ ተረከቡ” እንተዝበሃሉስ ፡ ነዛ ብስጋይ-ስጋኻ፡ በጃይ-በጃኻ፡ ብሓልዮት፡ ምጽውዋርን ብምክብባርን ትኸይድ ዘላ ሃገር ክጐዛዝዩን፡ እኩይ ሕልሚ ወያነ ክተግብሩን እንታይ ኰን ምገበሩ? 


3. ዕድመ ደቂ-ሰብ እንተ ብጽቡቕ ፡ እንተ ብሕማቕ ሓጺር እዩ። ሰብ ሓላፊ ፡ ሃገር ግን ናይ ዉሉድ ወለዶ እያ። ስለ ዝዀነ ፡ ዋላ’ውን ምስ ሰባት ዝተኣሳሰር ሓድ ሓደ ጌጋታት እንተ ተፈጸመ ፡ ተረቢጽካ ፡ ሃገር ንኸም ብዓል ወያነ ዝመሰሉ፡ “ዝበልዕሉ ጻሕሊ ዝሰብሩ” ጓሓላሉ ፡ ኣሕሊፋካ ይወሃብ ድዩ? ከም’ቲ ሓደ ዘይበልየሉ ፡ ሃገርን ህዝብን ናይ ምኽዳዕ ሕማም እናሻዕ ዝደግሶ “ናይ ሕጊ ምሁር እየ” በሃሊ ፡ እንተዀነ ፈኲሽ ታኒካ ባሕሪ፡ ኣብ ካናዳ ዀይኑ ፡ ቅዋም ቀይሩ ፡ ነቲ ምእንቲ ነጻነት ኤርትራ ከቢድ መስዋእቲ ዝኸፈለ ህዝቢ ቢሄረ ዓፋር ንወያነ ከም ገጸ-በረኸት ክምጡ ዝሃቀነን ዝሓለመን ንዱይ ናይዚ ኣብነት ምተቆጽረዶ? 


4. ሃገራት ተበታቲነን ህዝብታት ኣብ ስቅያት ተሸሚሞም ኣብ ዘይወጽእ ጣዕሳ ኣትዩም ከም ዘለዉ ስዉር ነገር ድዩ? 


5. ኣብ መንጎ የሕዋት ናይ ሓንቲ ሃገር ፡ ብጸበቢ ትሕተ-ሃገራዊ ስምዒታት ተደሪኹ ዝውላዕ ግጭት ፡ በጀካ መወዳእታ ዘይብሉ ዕንወት፡ ስዓርን ተሰዓርን ከም ዘይብሉ እዚ ኣብ ሃገራት ኣዕራብ ንርእዮ ዘለና ኣብነት ኣይኰነን ድዩ? 


6.  እንጀራ ቅልዋጦ መቂርካ፡ ከም ከልቢ ንከብድኻ ጥራይ ክትግዛእ፡ ክዉንን ዘይክዉንን ሓባሊቑካ፡ ንህዝብኻ ፡ ነቲ ወሊዱ ዘዕበየ፡ ዓንጊሉ ዝናበየ፡ ዘይሽሙ፡ ዘይባህሉን ዘይወዓሎን ንክትህብ ብሓሶት ክትምስከር ፡ ኣብ ም’ንቲ ምንታይ ይቑጸር? 

ኣብዚ ፡ መወዳእታ ዘይብሉ ሕቶታት ክቐርብ ይከኣል እዩ። በቲ “ዓሻ ዝተኸሎስ ለባም ነይነቕሎ” ዝብል ዘረባ ወለዲ ፡ ቅድሚ ምዕጻወይ: ኩሉ ልቦና ዝተዓደለ ኤርትራዊ በቲ ዘለና ሃብቲ ፡ ሃገራዊ ስኒትና ከይተጻወትና እንተከድና ጥራይ ኢና ንዉሉድ ወለዶ እትመሓላለፍ፡ ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ዝዀነት ሃገር እትህልወና።

ከም ሕቡናት ሃገራውያን፡ ሃገር ኣብ ምምጻእ ታሪኽ ዝሰራሕና ፡ ብቐዳምነት ልኡላውነት ኣብ ምዕቃብ ዝጀመርናዮ ታሪኽ ንቐጽል። ሓለዋ ልኡላውነት ሃገር ግን ወዓል ሕድር ዘይብትለሉ ከቢድ ሓላፍነት ኢዩ። እቲ ንደልዮን ንብህጎን ካልእ ኩሉ፡ ግዜ ሓልዩ ክመጽእ ምዃኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኰነን። ነቶም ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝተጠቕሱ ክብርታት ድማ፡ ልዕሊ ህዝባዊ ግንባርን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ዝቃለሰሎምን ዝብጀወሎምን ክህሉ ኣይክእልን እዩ። እንተ’ቲ ስምረትን ጥምረትን ሃገራውነትን ናይ ኤርትራውያን፡ 99.98% ኣብ ቦትኡ ከም ዝዀነ ፡ ይትረፍ ፈታዊ እታ ደመኛ ጸላኢት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ፡ ወያነ’ውን ትፈልጥ እያ። ዝዀነ ወስታ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሃገር ዘይትገብር ድማ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እትረፎ ሕጂ ፡ ቅድም'ውን እንተዀነ ፡ ድሕሪ ሓጺር ናይ ምትኽኻል ግዜ ፡ ረመጽ ኺዕዩ ህላዊኣ ከም ዘኽትም ክገብር ዝኽእል ምዃኑ ስለ ትፈልጥ እዩ። ህላወ ውሕሰቲ ኤርትራ ብኹሉ መለኪዕታት ንድሕሪት ዘይምለስ ኩዉንነት ኰይኑ ተዋሒሱ እዩ። ዝዀነ ኣብ ልዕሊ’ዚ ህዝቢ ብጎይቶት ናይ’ዚ ዓለምን ዕሱባቶምን ዝግበር ሽርሒ ድማ ኪኖ ሒቕታ ኰይኑ ምሕላፍ ፡ ካልእ ምቅይያር ዝሓልም ፍጡር እንተልዩ፡ ንሓይሊ፡ ባህሊ፡ ልቦና፡ ጽዓት፡ ጽንዓት፡ ወዘተ ናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዝግባእ ዘየንበበ ደንቆሮ ጥራይ ክከውን ኣለዎ።

ዓወት ንሓፋሽ!!

እቲ ሃገራት ናይ ምፍትራኽ ዕማም ዘይተረድኦ የዋህ እንተልዩ ግን ፡ ነዚ ሰነድ ይወከስ። Watch "General Wesley Clark: The US will attack 7 countries in 5 years" on YouTube:




Credit: Dehai.org

Parental attitude and involvement in education plays an important role in a student's success - Photo: Eritrean mother with her daughter

Parental Attitude and Involvement in Education – Discussion Points for Eritrean Parents

In his words, the dumbest child in his class, Ben Carson in less than two years came to be top of his class thanks to his mother’s determination and persistence. To the surprise of his classmates, the annoyance of a racist teacher, and the joy of his mother, he came top of his class in Grade 7. Later, Ben Carson, the class ‘Dummy,’ studied neurosurgery and successfully performed the first surgery in history carried out to separate conjoined twins joined at the head (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ben_Carson).

In recognition of his contribution to his fellow Americans, Dr. Ben Carson received the Award for Greatest Public Service Benefitting the Disadvantaged in 2000. In 2008, he received the Presidential Medal of Freedom the greatest honour conferred on any civilian in the United States. Two years later, Dr. Carson was elected into National Academy of Sciences Institute of Medicine. So far Dr. Carson has received 38 honorary doctorate degrees and citations. In addition, he is a member of the American Academy of Achievement and the Horatio Alger Association of Distinguished Americans (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ben_Carson).  

In an interview, Dr. Ben credits his success to his mother and a few of his teachers, who helped him along the away. But, much of the credit goes to his mother.

My mother was a person who would never accept an excuse from my brother or myself. It didn't matter what the situation was. If you came with an excuse, she would always say, "Do you have a brain?" And if the answer was yes, then you had a way to get around it. Maybe you should use the brain. That was her point. After a while it became clear to us that no excuse was acceptable, so we became pretty creative. (http://www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/car1int-2)

A single mother with a third-grade education, Mrs. Carson helped her hopeless child turn a new leaf in his academic life the day she told him and his brother to visit the local library, read two books a week and submit book reports to her just as they did at school. Not wanting to live on welfare and surrender the control of her life, she didn’t give up despite her hard life. Instead, to raise Ben and his older brother the best way she saw fit, she worked as a domestic juggling two or three jobs.

Student success in education depends on many factors, parental involvement being one. It is true teachers do contribute to their pupils’ success at school. It is also true that schools play a significant role in their students’ success. Similarly, the funding schools have also may determine if a school, and in turn, its pupils, will succeed or fail.

Parental involvement may not be as powerful as other factors. However, its contribution to children’s success cannot be underestimated. It is true it has only an enabling and enhancing capacity and doesn’t necessarily by itself create the conditions for students’ academic success. However, this doesn’t mean parents do not heavily influence their children. It only means that children’s school success may also happen despite the absence of parental involvement, which happens rarely.

In ‘The Learning Gap,’ Stevenson and Sigler examined what the common phenomena in our days: i.e. why Asian students outshine their American counterparts in Science and Mathematics. To identify the causes, the authors observed Japanese, Taiwanese, and American teachers teaching Grade 5 classes in Taipei(Taiwan), Sendai (Japan),Minneapolis (USA). In addition, they interviewed Japanese and American mothers.

The authors found that parents’ beliefs about success, intelligence, hard work and other factors influenced or affected the children’s performances significantly.

“No matter how we asked the questions or to whom we directed them, the answers were consistent,” the two psychologists state [writeKenneth G Wilson and Bennett Davies in ‘Redesigning Education’ quoting Stevenson and Sigler]. “Americans were more likely to assign greater importance to innate ability than were Chinese and Japanese. To test that conclusion, later in their work the researchers posed the same mathematical problem to classes of Japanese and American children. The problem was literally impossible, one having no solution. American children gave up after a while, but most Japanese children couldn’t be persuaded to stop hunting for the answer. This contrast in their efforts illustrates a significant difference between Japanese and American attitudes. Japanese children, taught that effort will bring success, have a natural incentive to pursue problems to a correct solution. American children, taught that natural ability is the key to academic success, seem to believe that “either you get it or you don’t….” (page 120)

Similarly, Malcolm Gladwell, in his international bestseller, ‘Outliers’ attributes Chinese students’ success at school to Chinese culture, and specifically, to their attitude and belief about success, perseverance, and hard work and comes to the same conclusion.

Citing ErlingBoe, an educational researcher at the University of Pennsylvania, Gladwell argues people’s culture determines their success or failure.

Think about this another way. Imagine that every year, there was a Math Olympics in some fabulous city in the world. And every country in the world sent its own team of one thousand eighth graders. Boe’s point is that we could predict precisely the order in which every country would finish in the Math Olympicswithout asking a single math question. All we would have to do is give them some task measuring how hard they were willing to work. In fact, we wouldn’t even have to give them a task. We should be able to predict which countries are best at math simply by looking which national cultures place the highest emphasis on effort and hard work (page 290).

Comparing Asian students and white American students, a report (written by Amy Hsin of Queens College in New York and Yu Xie of the University of Michigan) concluded that the former outperformed their wealthier American counterparts. The report concludes:

"Asian and Asian American youth are harder working because of cultural beliefs that emphasize the strong connection between effort and achievement," the authors wrote [the Los Angeles Times reports recently]. "Studies show that Asian and Asian American students tend to view cognitive abilities as qualities that can be developed through effort, whereas white Americans tend to view cognitive abilities as qualities that are inborn" (http://touch.latimes.com/#section/-1/article/p2p-80109340).

Eritrean Parents who possess such knowledge can make a lot of difference in their children’s lives. First, such knowledge is liberating in the sense that it dispels the attitude that luck, native ability, or smartness play a crucial role in children’s achievement. Instead,they are convinced by the idea that that hard work determines success. Knowing this, they equip their children with this powerful attitude, which will serve their children well at school and,later, outside school, in the world of work.

Secondly, Eritrean parents may help their children understand the importance of education through their involvement. They can do so through modeling, direct instruction and/or reinforcement. Children benefit a lot from the examples their parents set before them. Parents who value education often influence their children to have similar attitudes about it. Similarly, children do benefit from direct instruction by parents. Parents often help their children with their homework, which enables them to do well at school. If children are encouraged, they do better at school than when they are not motivated.

Thirdly, Eritrean parents have their culture on their side as they encourage their children to work hard at school. Due to their economic reality, Eritrean families especially farmers work very hard to earn their living. The children of these families are no strangers to hard work, which they can turn to their benefit. Parents can set their life as good example and motivate their children to do their best at school.  

Abrahaley Habte
Asmara

Amhara People in Western Ethiopia

540 Ethiopians Massacred in Western Ethiopia over Regime's Land Grab Policy


By Diplomat,

The Voice of America (VOA) Amharic Service, on its October 21 special program, reports the killing of over 540 people, mostly from the Amhara ethnic group, in a conflict with the Mezenger people in the Gambella region of Western Ethiopia.

The gruesome massacre that started in the town of Meti, Godere zone on September 10th was a direct consequence of the ill-fated land grab policy of the Ethiopian government.

According to the VOA, the under reported massacre specifically started when government started to forcefully evict Mezenger people from their ancestral land in order to give it away to a recently retired TPLF Generals for “investment” purposes and the illegal campaign of selling lands that ensued following the arrival of hundreds of ‘Tirgrayans‘ as ‘workers‘ to the TPLF ‘investors‘.

As expected, the main stream media and right groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch turned a deaf ear to the extraordinary massacre of Ethiopians by the regime.

United Nations Security Council

Eritrea: Leaked UNSC New Resolution

The comedy circus that is known as the Somalia-Eritrea Monitoring Group has been extended for another year, according to draft resolution adopted by UNSC this month.

The news comes as the UN monitoring group admitted in their latest report that it had found no evidence of Eritrean support for the Somali group al-Shabab, and after the SEMG's corrupt finance expert on Eritrea, Mr. Dinesh Mahtani, resigning when a leaked document written by him showed he was using his position to seek regime change in Eritrea.

Sheila Beedwantee Keetharuth meeting with Sophia Tesfamariam - 3 June 2013

ERITREA-10 Reasons Why the UN Should Reject the Rapporteur’s Report


By Sophia Tesfamariam,

John Philpot, an international lawyer, writing in the recently published book “Justice Belied” writes how overriding selectivity of international law deprives it of legitimacy. He says discriminatory justice is not justice, and describes an international system where “selective prosecution” and the “impunity granted to major powers” undermines its credibility and efficacy.

Today, the Human Rights Council’s integrity is being undermined by “selective prosecution” and the “impunity” of certain states who insist on using the UNHRC as an instrument of their foreign policy. Since its establishment in 2006 as the successor body to the disestablished Commission on Human Rights, the Human Rights Council, has a mandate to strengthen the promotion and protection of human rights, to address situations of human rights violations and make recommendations.

Reconstituted as the UNHRC in 2006, the new forty-seven member body has a higher threshold for membership as well as a universal periodic review (UPR) process, which evaluates the human rights records of states, including those on the council. Unfortunately, it has not been spared the political machinations by some powers who insist on using this and other international bodies to advance their foreign policy agendas.

UN Resolution 65/251 stresses that the work of the UN Human Right Council (UN HRC) shall be guided by the principles of impartiality, objectivity and non-selectivity.

Sheila Keetharuth, the UN Special Rapporteur on Eritrea has undermined her credibility and integrity and her impartiality has been seriously questioned, not because of the inherent flaws in the mandate itself, but because of her past and present entanglements with anti-Eritrea elements who are obviously influencing her judgment. Such blatant affirmation of prejudice takes away from the good that Special Rapporteurs should do. States such as Eritrea can work productively with those who are concerned with Human Rights, and Human Rights only, and not those advancing a political agenda…compromising the credibility and integrity of the Human Rights regime….

As the record will show, it is not by coincidence that Sheila Keetharuth was appointed Special Rapporteur for Eritrea… as the Government of Eritrea has been her target for quite some time, and the UN Human Right Council provided the means to achieving her goals and that of her sponsors. Her background and activities against the Government of Eritrea on behalf of known anti-Eritrea political groups and individuals is a matter of public record and have been addressed ad nauseum^[1].

The Manual of Operations of the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council asserts that the independent status of these Rapporteurs “is crucial in order to enable them to fulfill their functions in all impartiality. It says:

“…Act in an independent capacity, and exercise their functions . . . free from any kind of extraneous influence, incitement, pressure, threat or interference, either direct or indirect, on the part of any party, whether stakeholder or not, for any reason whatsoever, the notion of independence being linked to the status of mandate holders, and to their freedom to assess the human rights questions that they are called upon to examine under their mandate…”

As the report of the Special Rapporteur and any decisions based on them, have a far-reaching impact on Eritrea and its population, it is important that it is reflective of the realities in Eritrea and not based on hearsay and innuendos and should not serve as a pretext or cover for illicit political agendas of certain quarters. There have been numerous inconsistencies and outright distortions in her previous reports; but for brevity’s sakes, the most egregious will be addressed. It should be noted that all previous attempts by the Eritrean government and Eritrean Diaspora communities to provide the Rapporteur with pertinent information on Eritrea have fallen on deaf ear.

Serving as a UN Rapporteur with a he budget allocated for travel and expenses, not to mention a hefty per diem of over $650 is a lucrative endeavor, and those who claim they are doing the work for altruistic reasons are insulting the intelligence of the people they purport or claim to be defending. After two years, it is obvious from the various press statements and personal engagements with anti-Eritrea regimes and groups sponsored by them, Sheila Keetharuth, the Special Rapporteur on Eritrea is incapable of providing a credible, verifiable, impartial report on the human rights in Eritrea. The credibility and integrity of the Commission of Inquiry, of which she is a part, has been seriously compromised and its reports on Eritrea will be neither credible, nor impartial for the following 10 reasons.


The sanctions resolution against the State of Eritrea also is a violation of Eritrea’s right to self-determination  and Article 39- power of determination, Article 33 and Article 95-Resolution of Disputes, Article 2 and Article 51, Eritrea’s Right to Self Defense-enshrined in the United Charter. These sanctions were designed to weaken Eritrea’s economy and undermine her right to self-defense, a right protected under the UN Charter. Sheila Keetharuth calls for respect of UN Conventions and Charters in her reports on Eritrea.


Repeated calls by Eritrea upon her to be neutral, independent and impartial in undertaking her duty have been ignored. The time is overdue to redress Eritrea and its citizens, who have been betrayed and victimized for over 6 decades in order to advance geopolitical interests of various powers in the region. The UN Committees should play a role in righting the wrongs and not contribute further to the anti-Eritrea campaign that resulted in the inappropriate and unwarranted appointment of the Rapporteur and now the Commission of Inquiry (COI) of which she is a part. Any report produced by the COI will have been tainted by the Rapporteur and her long held anti-Eritrea stance.

The ideal of the United Nations Charter, the sovereign equality of nations, big and small, powerful or weak, must be respected and upheld. No country has the right to intervene in the internal affairs of another and using the pretext of “protection of human rights” by the Rapporteur to intervene in the internal affairs of Eritrea and its people, its policies is a violation of that Charter. Eritrea is working with the UN Human Rights Council through the Universal Periodic Report (UPR) and the politically motivated appointment of the Rapporteur remains a diversionary tactic introduced to cover up Ethiopia’s violations of international law and the continued occupation of sovereign Eritrean territories. The UN System should not be used to advance the foreign policy agendas of Ethiopia and its handlers.


[1] http://stesfamariam.com/2013/12/06/eritrea-un-rapporteur-ought-to-recuse-herself-and-un-hrc-should-annul-her-politically-motivated-mandate/ Accessed 6 October 2014

Madam Chairperson,

Even though, as the accused party, Eritrea has the right to demand equal time in order to rebut and respond to the politically motivated report presented today which is full of fabricated allegations and hearsays, I am not going to bore this Committee by doing so, since the Government of Eritrea, on several occasions, has given a clear response to the Special Rapporteur's report. However, I would appeal for all delegates to read my full statement which is already circulated.

Madam Chairperson,

Today, I will simply concentrate on elaborating the members of this august Committee on:

• The reliability and credibility of the Special Rapporteur and her report
• Where Eritrea came from, where Eritrea is today and where it is going
• The establishment of the Commission of the Inquiry
• The way forward and conclusions

Madam Chairperson

On the Reliability and Credibility of the Report and the Rapporteur

Human Rights Council resolution 5/1 stresses for mandate holders, among others, to display independence, impartiality and objectivity in their work. After listening carefully to the report, I can say with confidence that the Special Rapporteur, other than making sweeping statements such as, "extrajudicial killing, torture, slave labor, indefinite national service", has not presented any evidence to back up her allegations. In fact, she has unfortunately taken it upon herself to preside as the Accuser, Prosecutor, Witness and the Judge.

The common expression, "don't shoot the messenger" is often adequate and reasonable advise. However, when the messenger oversteps his/her mandate by acting as "Accuser, Prosecutor, Witness, and Judge", it is legally and procedurally correct to question the credibility, objectivity and impartiality of the messenger. It is also procedurally and legally justifiable to question the credibility and impartiality of a witness, prosecutor, and judge. Eritrea, therefore, has the right to question the credibility, objectivity and the impartiality of the Special Rapporteur and by deduction to question the validity and admissibility of her report. It must also be underlined that in addition to the tainted, subjective and unsubstantiated nature of the report concerning human rights issue in Eritrea; the Special Rapporteur has, for the last two years, been publicly demonizing and discrediting the Eritrean Government via various media outlets. In these interviews, she has openly expressed her negative and biased opinion regarding Eritrea and its government. The Rapporteur has essentially become an activist and a tacit advocate for certain countries, groups and individuals who are diligently working for regime change in Eritrea.

More specifically, when analyzing what has been written concerning Eritrea's national service program-which is similar to that of many countries- the Special Rapporteur has misrepresented it as an "indefinite forced conscription and slave labour program". She has even urged the Government of Eritrea to suspend the National Service Program. This call comes at a time when sovereign Eritrean territory is under foreign occupation and the Eritrean people are being burdened by unjust sanctions. What she called "slave labor", is actually a national mobilization effort to promote grass root participation from the people of Eritrea; sectors of focus include afforestation, damn and road construction, soil and water conservation and other programs that will advance the transformation of the country. This grass root approach and participation should be commended rather than condemned and misrepresented as "slave labor".

For the reasons elaborated above, Eritrea strongly feels the report presented today should be rejected and the mandate of Special Rapporteur be terminated. I want this august body to understand that this is not an attack on the Special Rapporteur. Eritrea is simply requesting that the principles of impartiality and objectivity of the mandate holder, as well as the rules and procedures of the Human Rights Council, be respected.

Madam Chairperson,

The report does not reflect the reality in Eritrea. It is a report compiled using a cute and paste method from Annual Human Rights Reports from certain countries, hostile websites, and social media outlets; this includes some disgruntled Eritreans with an ax to grind against the Government of Eritrea. It is true Eritrean refugees located in different continents are also referred in the report as "credible source of information". What does one expect from refugees whose main motives is to be resettled in America, Europe, Canada or Australia and who are desperate to be given refugee status by these countries. If these refugees don't demonize and accuse the government of Eritrea, they will be compromising their interests of being resettled or granted refugee status. It must be also underlined that massive illegal migration to the western world from poor and developing countries, in search of a better income is not solely an Eritrean trend, but a global phenomena.

Madam Chairperson,

The motive and objective of this report is nothing else but regime change. The modus operandi is extraordinarily transparent. First fabricate an allegation, and then generate an aura of perception; once this has occurred, perception becomes recognized as reality. Finally, all necessary means and resources are deployed to overthrow the targeted government. This modus operandi and misguided policy pursued by certain individuals, groups or countries will service neither the interest of the countries of the region nor the countries who are behind the agenda of regime change in Eritrea. This misguided policy would only create disaster and crises in the Horn of Africa. It has to be revisited, revised and corrected. Eritrea, which is the most stable country in the volatile region of the Horn of Africa, calls on all partners for mutual respect. This partnership must be based on understanding and cooperation. Eritrea and its government has been targeted for no reason, other than for thinking Outside of the Box and the strategic location of the country.

• Concerning regional and international issues, the Eritrean Government pursues an independent foreign policy.
• Concerning Economic Transformation, Eritrea pursues policies and procedures that are grounded on principles of self reliance and internally driven motivating factors. Foreign aid must be considered as enabler or a catalyst, not an end.
• Concerning Strategic Location, Eritrea is located in the Red Sea region with 1,200 kilometers of coast line. It must be understood, that the Red Sea is an international trade route for oil and other essential commodities and goods. It is a trade route that connects the Suez Canal in the north and Bab-el-Mandeb in the South. These are two areas which military strategist call choke points. All major powers would like to have a foothold in the region by "Any Means Necessary". They cannot and will not tolerate a regime that does not dance to their tune or take instructions from them. The resisting country or government will be inevitably targeted and labeled as "spoiler".

Madam Chairperson

Where Eritrea came from, where it is today and where it is going

For the past two decades the country has been engaged in healing the wounds of war, ensuring peace and security, accelerating the development agenda and preserving the dignity of its people. It is important to recognize that my government's efforts to promote human rights and fundamental freedoms are impeded by the occupation of sovereign Eritrean territory and unjust sanctions imposed on the people.

Any report that does not appreciate or recognize the circumstances in Eritrea, is minimizing the impact that the Occupations and Sanctions have on the welfare of the people of Eritrea, and should not be considered a serious report whose aim is to promote the human rights interest of the people. The resistance by some quarters to lift the unjust sanctions and the reluctance to bring an end to the occupation of sovereign Eritrean territories should be considered as a collective punishment which is the highest form of human rights violations. It is crystal clear that the sanctions negatively and directly affect the vulnerable members of society, in particular women and children. Therefore, governments or organizations who preach about human rights issues must first and foremost practice what they preach. They should unequivocally call for the unconditional and immediate lifting of the sanctions against the Eritrean people and respect for the sovereignty of Eritrea.

Madam Chairperson,

I am not presenting excuses or justifications for some of the human rights problems Eritrea is facing today. I am simply contextualizing the realities in Eritrea so that the Committee can understand the situation. The realities of the situation are vital to proper analysis of the difficulties Eritrea is faced with, and they should not be denied or avoided. There is no nation or state that does not suffer from presence of human rights issues. However, when we debate and explain human rights issues, it is essential that those analyzing the issues discuss the development stage and transformation process that each country or nation has undergone. The right to development is a fundamental right and the eradication of poverty is a human rights issue that should be taken seriously and tackled collectively.

In this context, the Permanent Representative of Malawi to the United Nations, on behalf of the African Group, on 22 October 2014 during the Interactive Dialogue with High Commissioner for Human Rights said: "The African group would like to reaffirm that interdependence between development and respect for human rights is internationally recognized. Human rights cannot be guaranteed in an environment of poverty. The recognition of the interdependence of economic, social, and cultural rights with political and civil rights is an important prerequisite for national, regional, and international development."

Madam Chairperson,

The right to development is a fundamental, universal, and inalienable right of all people, in particular the LCD's, which Eritrea is a member of.

No country or government can claim to have fulfilled all its human rights obligations. Eritrea acknowledges, like all countries should, that it faces human rights challenges which the government and the people are constantly and diligently working to address. In the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, Eritrea takes its obligations seriously. Eritrea firmly believes constructive engagement will manifest meaningful contributions towards the enjoyment of everyone's full rights. In this spirit, Eritrea is taking serious steps to address human rights.


On Strengthening Good Governance, Eritrea has:

• built a grass root participatory political system based on the full and responsible engagement of its people, at home and abroad.


• started the process of transforming transitional laws into national laws by expanding its judiciary services and establishing community magistrates.


• announced its readiness to draft a new constitution.


• presented its national report last February during the second cycle of the UPR process and accepted roughly 100 recommendations, covering a wide spectrum of Economic, Social, Cultural, Political and Civic rights;


• discussed the outcome of the UPR process with all relevant bodies of the Eritrean government and civil societies; and in a separate forum, gave the same briefing to the diplomatic missions in Eritrea;


• requested the UN Security-General, Mr. Ban Ki moon, to extend his cooperation in implementation of the UPR recommendations that Eritrea accepted;


• held bilateral meetings, on numerous occasions, with the High Commissioner for Human Rights and its representatives in Geneva and New York; invited human rights officers from the Office of High Commissioner for the Human Rights (OHCHR) for a work visit to Eritrea, last Janissary;


• made specific calls, and last September, for the OHCHR to extend its cooperation in strengthening the judicial system and in addressing the needs of the most vulnerable groups of the society, particularly disabled persons;


• engaged with the African Commission on Human and Peoples' rights, and conducted regular political dialogue with the EU resident representative and Missions on the basis of the Cotonou Agreement;


• submitted national reports on Eritrea to the Committee on the Rights of the Child; and also to the Committee on All forums of Discrimination Against Women, which is scheduled for consideration by relevant UN treaty body in February 2015.


• acceded last September, to the Convention Against Torture and Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its protocol on suppressing trafficking in persons;

On Empowering Women:

• Women's equality to men is guaranteed by law without any discrimination or limitation. 


• Women have the right to equal pay for equal qork and they have the right to own property' including land.


• In the National Assembly, 30% of the seats are allocated for women.


• In all community courts, one of the three judicial appointments must be reserved for women.


• The National Gender Action Plan (2014-2019) which focuses on education, health, economic empowerment and power sharing and decision making processes is being reviewed. 


• The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) has been translated into local languages widely disseminated, particularly among women. It is implemented in line with the Global Program of Action.


• Eritrea's National report on CEDAW will be considered by the Committee, in the Geneva next February.


• Eritrea is among the first countries who has submitted its national Report on the Beijing Platform of Action to the AU and UN women.


• spearheaded by the National Union of Eritrean women (NUEW) with full participation of community and religious leaders, and coordinated media and grass root campaigns on all types of violence, including domestic violence is criminalized.


• Harmful traditional practices such as FGM and early marriages are punishable by law.


• National Union of Eritrean Women is a grass root organization which was established in 1979, held recently its 7th national congress from 15 to 17 September 2014 and elected its new members of the Executive Committee, which include a significant number of youth.

On Social and Economic Rights

• Basic Social Services are delivered and extended to all parts of the country, including remote areas.


• Under the theme, "Education for All", the Eritrean government is providing free education and opportunities at Kindergarten, Elementary, Secondary, Technical, Vocational, and Tertiary levels. Adult literacy is extensively implemented. About 947 literacy centers, with help of 2023 facilitators have been set up. In this program, women constitute 95% of the participants.


• Eritrea has achieved the Health MDGS, 4, 5 and 6 and is also on track to achieve 2, 3 and 7.


• Under 5 Mortality Rate has been reduced by Two Thirds, and Maternal Mortality rate has been reduced by 75%. Malaria Morbidity and Mortality have been reduced by 85% and 90% respectively. HIV/AIDS prevalence which is 0.93%, the lowest in Africa. Today according to WHO Report, Eritrea is declared Polio and Measles Free Country and Vaccination of children reached almost 100%.

On the Right of the Child

• Eritrea fully supports and diligently implements (even during the struggle for independence) the campaign, "Children Not Soldiers" that was launched in March, by the Special Representative on Children and Armed Conflict and the UNICEF.


• In Partnership with UNICEF, WHO, UNFPA and UNDP Eritrea is implementing the Country Program Action Plan (CPAP).


• Street Children are given care and necessary assistance.


• Vulnerable Orphans are integrated with their Extended Family or in Group Homes with the hope of eliminating the permanent orphanage institutions.


• UNICEF, has a solid partner program with Eritrea concerning children. About 20 adolescent/Child friendly spaces (ACFS) are established in schools, health facilities and communities that are highly impacted by landmines.

Combating Human Trafficking

• Eritrea is not spared from the heinous crime as several of its nationals, especially its youth, have been victimized at the hands of international human traffickers.


• Eritrea has signed the protocol against trafficking in persons.


• It has forged cooperation with neighbouring states and regional bodies and other concerned countries.


• It has frequently participated in Ministerial Meetings and Workshops.


• It participated in the regional ministerial conference that was convened in Khartoum from 13 to 16 October. The meeting was organized by the AU, Sudan, UNHCR and IOM.


• It has signed bilateral and multilateral agreements to combat human trafficking and illegal migration


• It has intensified preventive awareness campaigns through mass media, and grass root organization and community based public meetings.


• It has introduced an anti money laundering proclamation.


• In order to fight all kinds of extremism and terrorism, as well as transitional organized crime, it has cosponsored several United Nations General Assembly resolutions.

Maddam Chairperson,

On the establishment of the Commission of Inquiry
The recent establishment of the three person Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea is politically motivated act that is a waste of time and energy. It is redundant and unjust. Human rights ideals cannot be promoted by naming and shaming, finger pointing and confrontation. It is to correct the politicization of human rights issue that the Human Rights Commission was discredited and dissolved in 2006 and that the Human Rights Council is created. In our humble opinion, we are allowing history to repeat itself. Let's not defeat the objectives of human right issues by politicizing them. That is why the resolution adopted on the establishment of the Commission of the inquiry did not enjoy unanimity as claimed by some quarters. For the record there are countries that have clearly disassociated themselves from the resolution. This was not a resolution that was tabled by the African Group in Geneva.

Moreover, what is the logic of creating or establishing the Commission of Inquiry while maintaining the Special Rapporteur that was established two years ago. It is expensive exercise that requires significant amount of resources. It is misappropriation of funds. The combined Budget requested for the two bodies is more than Eight Million dollars. This money could be used for building two or three Health and Education centers in Eritrea, or any other developing country.

It is unfortunate this valuable and exorbitant amount of resources are being squandered to cover Hotel, Air and other expenses for the members of the group - just to compile hundreds of cute and paste unsubstantiated allegations against a member state, in this case Eritrea.

The puzzle regarding this unjust action is that the current Special Rapporteur for Eritrea will be wearing two hats; one as the Special Rapporteur and the other one as member of the Commission Inquiry. As a result, next year the HRC will be obliged and required to hear two reports on the same issue and subject that is compiled and written with the full participation of the same person that is wearing those two hats. It is obvious to anybody that it is not possible for her to write and prepare two reports that will contradict each other. That is why Eritrea is saying that Rapporteur and the Commission of Inquiry are redundant and a waste of resources. They should be dissolved.

On the Way Forward and Conclusion

In Conclusion, constructive dialogue and cooperation through the UPR mechanism is the way forward. Intimidation, thread or preconditions have not worked in the past and will not work in the future. Naming and shaming and country specific mandates must stop. Double standards must be rejected. Engagement and dialogue must be encouraged. Resources squandered for the activities and establishment of the Special Rapporteurs and Commission of Inquiries can be allocated to the OHRCH-the body that is mandated to assist member states in their efforts of expanding and developing their human rights regimes and institutions. Holding debates and making recommendations on the destiny and future of the 3.5 million people, in this case, Eritrea, on the basis of one or three individuals findings and politically motivated subjective opinion is unacceptable. Once again, appeals to reject and dismiss the report and to dissolve the Special Rapporteur and the Commission of Inquiry.


Maddam Chairperson,

The Eritrean people know their rights and obligations. They understand what is good and bad, as well as what is right or wrong for them. What they need is understanding and solidarity, not threat and intimidation. They do not need advisers that tell them what to do and how to run their country. For those countries, regional and international organizations, and institutions-as well as concerned individuals and groups - who do understand the situation in Eritrea and express their solidarity, and are ready to work with the Government; I can only say thank you and rest assured that the people of Eritrea and the Government will not fail you on human right issues and other important social, political and development matters.

Thank you

Andargachew Tsige with his family

A British Man Is On Death Row in Ethiopia

By Oscar Rickett,

Andargachew Tsige, known to his friends and family as Andy, is a British citizen from Ethiopia. He came to England as a political refugee in 1979. Now he's back in Ethiopia, locked up and possibly enduring torture for being a political dissident, and the UK stands accused of not doing enough to help.

Tsige is the secretary general of Ginbot 7, an opposition group banned by the Ethiopian government. In 2009, he was sentenced to death at a trial held in Ethiopia in his absence for supposedly planning a coup. Then, in June this year, he was seized in Yemen, which has a security arrangement with Ethiopia. For two weeks, it seemed as though he had disappeared off the face of the Earth. Then, he emerged on Ethiopian state TV broadcasts, where it was revealed that he was being held in a secret detention facility. While he's unlikely to face a rarely imposed death sentence, he is currently on death row.

In the first video released, he appears for a short time and looks fairly healthy. But in the second, screaming can be heard in the background (just after the one-minute mark), and Tsige, looking thin and exhausted, is presented as if he is making a confession. A narrator says, in a haltingly edited piece of propaganda, that Tsige has been working with neighboring Eritrea—which has a longstanding feud with Ethiopia—that he has been disrupting the “peace and economic growth of Ethiopia,” and that he has been “training various people and sending ammunition through Eritrean borders.” His lawyers are concerned that evidence obtained through torture will be used to justify the sentence imposed on him.

Since his arrest, a UK Foreign Office (FCO) spokesperson told me, Tsige has only seen the British ambassador to Ethiopia once. That was back in August. “We are deeply concerned about his welfare,” the spokesperson said. “We want consular access and are pressing for further access to him.” David Cameron has written to Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn “to request regular consular access and his assurance that the death penalty will not be imposed.”

Despite this diplomatic action, a British citizen is languishing on death row based on evidence that could have been gained through torture, and there has been no public condemnation of Ethiopia's actions. His advocates say it's not good enough. Human rights charity Reprieve has initiated legal proceedings against the Foreign Office (FCO) for its failure to treat Tsige’s abduction as a serious breach of international law.

Andy Tsige is raising three children with Yemi Hailemariam, his girlfriend of ten years. All three children have written to Cameron to ask what he is doing to get their father out of prison. Cameron, though, will be treading carefully. Strategically located in the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia is a key ally to the West in the war on terror and has a close relationship with Britain. It is one of the main actors in the fight against Al Shabaab in Somalia. Ethiopia’s use of its anti-terrorism legislation to crack down on dissent of any kind is troubling. According to a recent Human Rights Watch report, Ethiopia has become a surveillance state. Press freedom is deteriorating, particularly in the run-up to elections next May.

When I put this to a source in Ethiopia’s ministry of foreign affairs, he insisted that grounds for concern over terrorism in the region were legitimate. “I don’t think it is so much Ethiopia using its strategic importance to do what it wants. The government does genuinely feel it is in the frontline against terrorism—and in terms of terrorist activity it has some cause—Al-Shabaab is in Somalia and trying to make moves into Ethiopia as well as Kenya, Uganda, and so on.”

Ethiopia considers Ginbot 7 a terrorist group, and Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn claims that “Andargachew Tsige is a Trojan horse for the Eritrean government to destabilize this country." Eritrea is where the Ethiopian opposition groups meet, and any connection to Eritrea can be milked by the Ethiopian government. According to a recent report submitted to the UN's Security Council by its Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, the Diplomatic missions and military officers of Eritrea are involved in the recruitment, training, and operational aspects of Ginbot 7.

But Ginbot 7 does not appear to be anything like Al-Shabaab. Its mission statement says that it is looking to establish a “national political system in which government power and political authority is assumed through peaceful and democratic process based on the free will and choice of citizens of the country.” Tsige’s family and lawyers insist that he is a peaceful man trying to stand up to an authoritarian regime.

My FCO spokesperson told me that more vocal lobbying is a “tool in our diplomatic arsenal,” to be used at the right moment. Old school diplomacy is still the order of the day, she said, and the British government's public line may change depending on how the case goes. My Ethiopian foreign ministry source implies that this might be the right approach, citing the experience of Martin Schibbye and Johann Persson, two Swedish journalists who spent nearly a year in an Ethiopian prison on terror charges from 2011 to 2012. They “would have been released months earlier if the Swedish foreign ministry and Human Rights Watch hadn’t kept making loud public noises about ill treatment and human rights abuse,” he said.


Maybe that's the cut and thrust of realpolitik, and the FCO is playing a savvy game. But a cynic might point out that there are grounds to believe that the British government’s approach is more about not showing up its ally than a desire to protect a British citizen.

Last year, internal documents from the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) showed that millions of pounds of foreign aid money was set to fund the training of Ethiopian security forces in the Ogaden region, which has been accused of numerous human rights abuses and summary executions.

Then there’s a master’s program for Ethiopian security-sector officials, funded by DFID. A DFID document, still available online, reveals that places for Ethiopian officials on the “Executive Masters in Security Sector Management delivered to top and mid level military and civil servants in five cohorts” at Cranfield University, were set to be funded by the department up until 2017. The course has since been closed due to “concerns about risk and value for money.” I’m sure this is totally unrelated to any embarrassment that Tsige’s case might cause DFID. Despite the cancelation, the question remains: Can the British government be expected to stand up for Tsige while it is funding Ethiopia’s oppressive anti-terror operation?

Yemi Hailemariam, Andy’s long-term girlfriend, is worried that the father of her children will continue to suffer. “There needs to be clarity in the message the British government is sending to Ethiopia. They need to tell them, ‘This is our citizen. Please give him back,’” she said. Tsige’s lawyers, from the legal charity Reprieve, are just as concerned. Maya Foa, head of their death penalty team, said, “It beggars belief that the UK Government is not doing more to get him back.”

Tsige’s family are trying to hold themselves together. “I don’t feel at all confident about him coming back. I try not to think about it because when I do, I fall to pieces,” Yemi told me. Whatever happens, he “will be expected to ask for a pardon,” sources close to the case in Ethiopia tell me. If he does this, his death sentence will be replaced with a life sentence in prison, perhaps less. In a country that emphasizes security over human rights, and with the British intent on maintaining an important strategic and economic alliance, it may just be the best he can hope for.

Sheila B. Keetharuth is not an independent UN Rapporteur

A Special Rapporteur Engaged in a Smear Campaign


By E-Smart,


The conduct and presentation of Sheila Keetharuth, the UN Special Rapporteur on Eritrea, over the last two years has been neither that of an independent expert, nor that of an impartial observer. She has instead been one of an activist that is publicly engaged in an anti-Eritrea campaign on and off the cameras. The Special Rapporteur came to the job with pre-conceived notions about the Government and people of Eritrea, notions derived from her previous engagements with hostile anti-Eritrea groups and individuals. Her cozy association with several anti-Eritrea individuals and groups is also a matter of public record.

Despite her known stance and record, the Eritrean Community in the Diaspora was willing to give her the benefit of the doubt and had genuinely wanted to work with her so as to educate her on the realities in Eritrea and contextualize issues in the Horn of Africa. Over 300 Diaspora Community organizations sent letters and requested to meet with her, but the Rapporteur made all kinds of excuses not to meet with them and refused to take note of their concerns and their testimonies. Instead, the Rapporteur chose to advocate on behalf of anti-Eritrea elements that have no constituency inside or outside Eritrea. The one or two times she wanted to meet, she was not prepared to listen and gather evidence, or vital information to help her understand Eritrea’s unique challenges. She chose instead to lecture intellectually sound Eritreans, in a condescending manner. It is indeed sad and unfortunate that the Special Rapporteur, supposedly an African herself, could not present herself in a manner that was consistent with that of a courteous, and most of all, humble African approach.

The Special Rapporteur’s report is filled with verbatim regurgitations of the many unsubstantiated allegations produced by the regime in Ethiopia and its handlers in the past 12 years. It does not seek to search for the truth or advance human rights in Eritrea. Almost all of her accusations are fabrications that border on plagiarism from other sources that are out there in the Internet. Her methodology is so unscientific no reasonable person can take her as credible.

When confronted with positive data and progress about Eritrea she is quick to dismiss it. For example she refuses to acknowledge the successes of the Government of Eritrea in providing adequate health and educational services to its people. She even had the audacity to question the Government of Eritrea’s reports on the achievement of 7 out of the 8 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), achievements which were touted and verified by the UNDP, UNICEF and other UN organs. In other words, she arrogantly places herself above every other UN agency and she is almost telling us she, and she alone, is competent to verify Eritrea’s success in the MDGs. Eritrea does not seek certification from an obviously biased Rapporteur who has been chosen by certain quarters for her long anti-Eritrea stance. She had applied for this job claiming she can be an “independent” Rapporteur, however, she is not conducting herself in such a manner. It is time the world know the truth about this individual.

Her biased and divisive reports are an example of a transparent attempt at weakening the strong bond that exists between the government and people in Eritrea. She is also trying to prey on vulnerable populations, asylum seekers and migrants as unverifiable source for her own false reports. She knows very well all those who want to get political asylum have to tell a story that the west would find acceptable, and such reports cannot be taken as facts. The Special Rapporteur would have served a greater purpose had she used her “interviews” with asylum seekers and migrants to gather information on the scourge of human smuggling and human trafficking that has caused irreparable psychological and physical problems for many and has resulted in the deaths of hundreds and on those who are responsible for this unfortunate situation. Ignoring the well orchestrated pull factors that are trapping young Africans to menial jobs in the west, she wants to speculate on push factors that are non-applicable to very people she tells us are leaving Eritrea. Furthermore she claims the number of Eritreans in the past year has grown by 100%. However, she has no iota of evidence (a) that this number is verifiably true, (b) that all those that claim Eritreans are bona fide Eritreans. In fact there is credible evidence that an overwhelming majority of those that claim refugee status as Eritreans are Ethiopians for the most Tigrean Ethiopians, done with the full cooperation of the minority government of Ethiopia.

The Special Rapporteur is also not qualified to tell the people of Eritrea what their priorities should be. Furthermore, she is in no position to dictate which aspect of the national service is noble and which is not. Eritrea’s youth are working hard to ensure Eritreans from all walks of life get access to clean water, free education, adequate health care and food security. What is not noble about this? Aren’t these services part of the social and economic rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights? To tell us that these activities are not “noble” and part and parcel of “nation-building”, to simply put it, is nonsense! The Special Rapporteur is also not truthful in telling the UN the reason why the National Service is prolonged. It is because of the War that has been declared on Eritrea. Not taking occupation of sovereign Eritrean territory and the displacement of people from their homes as a violation of fundamental human rights is tantamount working for the Ethiopian regime and its handlers. By conveniently citing the Global Hunger Index of 2014, which is based on numbers from 2002, twelve year old data, the Special Rapporteur is deliberately trying to paint a non-existent reality in Eritrea. By knowingly using an Index that is far from credible shows how far she is willing to go to discredit Eritrea.

Attacking the National Service program and the contributions made by Eritrean youth to the development of their country, undermining the enormous gains made by Eritrean women since independence, and downplaying the progress made in Eritrea in the delivery of free access to healthcare and education for all, fabricating stories of unaccompanied 7-8 year olds crossing hostile borders to reach refugee camps and insulting the culture of the people she knows from a distance, as she has never been to Eritrea, is unbecoming of someone who is supposed to provide a fair and balanced assessment to the UN body.

We ask that she revisits our previous correspondences and reports on Eritrea, its people and its policies and stop making unsubstantiated statements about our country of origin. We are all for genuine respect of human rights, a full respect of every aspect of human rights, political, social and economic rights not just giving a lip service. If in the beginning we were willing to give her the benefit of the doubt, today, after two years of her vocal and public campaigns against our country, we are certain she is not interested in fact finding or working to advance Human Rights in Eritrea, but as a hired agent of a smear campaign against Eritrea. We thus call on the UN Human Rights Council to end this politically motivated country specific mandate and work with Eritrea through the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process.

TPLF is the enemy of the Eritrean and Ethiopian people.

ERITREA: 

ARE THE TPLF RULERS OF ETHIOPIA THE ENEMIES OR FRIENDS OF ERITREA AND ITS PEOPLE?

Drs. Tsegezab Gebregergis, London, October 30, 2014 

1. Introductory Note to Readers


I presented this paper in its draft form with the above title in July in 2010 for discussion at the paltalk room, ‘Eritreans for Democracy,’ and or as some inappropriately called it, “Geza- Enda-Joker”. The discussion was chaired by a very brilliant and patriotic young Eritrean using the penname Meftih (KEY). As I expected, my presentation provoked an intense discussion, as well as an all out hostility by some regionalist, secessionist and defeatist Eritreans working for and advancing the strategic interest of the TPLF government of Ethiopia under various camouflages. As is the case, it is an unmitigated and verifiable fact that the TPLF rulers of Ethiopia are the sworn enemies of the Eritrean government and vice-versa. Consequently, the question I am posing in this paper is: Are the TPLF rulers of Ethiopia also the enemies of Eritrea and its people?

I have posed the above question with the express purpose of showing and proving to all Eritrean activists and others interested in Eritrean affairs that the TPLF rulers of Ethiopia are indeed the most vicious and unrelenting enemies of Eritrea and its people. I have done so because I want to point out and show that any movement which struggles for democratic change in Eritrea today, without first distinguishing clearly the nature of internal and external enemies of the Eritrean people, and a secular, democratic and enlightened leadership, cannot be expected to lead the people to victory. In other words, as the Eritrean experience of the last two decades has taught us, any political group which fails to formulate its strategic road map on the basis of a clear identification of its internal enemies, and other external forces with expansionist projects in our region, will remain frozen in the past and groping in the darkness, just like a sailor who has lost a compass in the middle of the ocean remains stranded, i.e. unable either to advance or retreat. It is thus high time Eritrean nationalists to understand clearly that throughout history only those groups which have organised themselves and struggled from within their own country and created secure strategic base areas and are led by progressive secular democrats that are free from parochialism and readily prepared to die and imprisoned that have succeeded to defeat their enemy and bring the desired societal change in their respective countries.


Some Background Information


For some years now, the leaders of the Eritrean opposition groups based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - in order to justify their unprincipled and unholy alliance with the TPLF led government of Ethiopia - have been propagating and disseminating an utterly false teaching that the present TPLF-led government of Ethiopia is a reliable friend of Eritrea and its people. In other words, the Eritrean political groups allied with the TPLF government are presenting, deceptively and unashamedly, the strategic enemies of Eritrea and its people as their strategic friends (1).

Moreover, the Addis Ababa based political groups also falsely contend that Eritrea would not have defeated militarily the Derg had it not been supported by the Tigrian People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) (2). They also propagate fallaciously that if the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia would not have immediately recognised the political independence of Eritrea, the country would have remained in a political limbo like Northern Somalia today, i.e. Eritrea would not have been recognised by the African Union and by the rest of the world (3).

Much to the dismay of Eritrean patriots, the above-stated defeatist, distorted and harmful political views and sentiment are being aired at a time when the deceptive and treacherous TPLF leaders are actively engaged in financing and preparing the political ground for the proliferation of ethnic, regional and religious groups to organise and operate freely along sub-nationalist lines in order to weaken and sabotage the unity of the Eritrean people, violate, undermine and subvert Eritrean independence and its sovereignty.

I am thus of the opinion and concern that, unless dealt with promptly, these dangerous political trends could have corrosive effects on Eritrea and its people, especially so on the young generation. It is thus high time now to challenge and expose these politically cancerous and capitulationist views which are solely advanced to confuse and send the utterly wrong message to the young generation - a generation who shall be the future guardians of independent Eritrea - and falsify the recent Eritrean history written by the blood and sweat of Eritrean heroes and heroines.

The Purpose of this Writing

The main purpose of this chapter is to provide comprehensive explanation both at a theoretical and empirical level as to why I have characterised and identified the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia as an enemy of Eritrea and its people. In so doing, the article also aims to rebuff and expose mercilessly the harmful views and messages being disseminated – views and messages that could have fatal consequences for the security of independent Eritrea and its people. Thus, in order to successfully accomplish what I have outlined above, I shall first ask and answer the following two strategic twin questions: when do we say the government of a certain country is our enemy? Conversely, when do we say a given government of a certain country is our friend?

In other words, I am going to provide the operational definitions of an enemy government and that of a friendly government by exploring the characteristic features of the two terms. This will be followed then by an explanation as to why I believe the present TPLF-led government of Ethiopia is a dead enemy of Eritrea and its people.

When does a neighbourly government becomes one’s enemy?

I have already explained the purpose of this writing. I will now attempt to provide a corresponding answer to the major question I have posed above. However, before I attempt to do what I have set out to achieve, I would like to make it absolutely clear that if the government of country A is the enemy of the government of country B, it does not follow always the government of country A is also the enemy of the people living under the protection and care of the government of country B. In other words, if, for one reason or another, one was to identify the government of a given country at a given point in time in the category of an enemy of a given people - in order for one’s categorisation to be credible - one is required to spell-out clearly the criteria one has applied to place the government of a certain country in the enemy category. I will thus attempt to do just that in the course of what follows now.

a. When does a certain government become the enemy of its neighbour?
The above question is not meant to suggest that only neighbouring countries are or could become enemies. For history testifies countries that do not share common borders have been and still do become enemies. However, I am specifically interested here in exploring how and when a neighbourly government becomes the enemy of the people as well.

In my opinion, a given government becomes the enemy of its neighbour and its people when that given government fosters harmful designs or engages in antagonistic and hostile acts against its neighbour with which it shares common borders. In other words, when the government of a certain neighbourly country engages in acts which endangers the security and unity of the people of a neighbourly country and conducts hostile propaganda day-in and day-out against it; occupies its sovereign territory illegally; mobilises international and regional public opinion with the express aim to isolate and corner its neighbour; and carries-out activities that are at logger-head with international law - then that government becomes, without any doubt, the dead-enemy of the government and the people of its neighbour.

b. When does a certain government become the friend of its neighbour?
Having explained briefly how and when a government of a certain country becomes the enemy of the government and people of its neighbour let me now explain and discuss when a given government is considered and seen as a friend of the people of its neighbour. A given neighbouring government is considered and seen as the friend of a given people at a given period of its history when a given government of a neighbouring country does not engage itself directly or indirectly in antagonistic and hostile activities against its neighbour and its people. In other words, a given government is considered and acknowledged as a friend of a given people when that given government cooperates with a good spirit with its neighbours in matters mutually beneficial for both, and shows sympathy and solidarity with the causes and aspirations of the government and people of its neighbour. Again, to put it differently, a given government is considered and acknowledged as a friend when that government respects the independent foreign and domestic policies of its neighbour, and does not interfere directly or indirectly in its internal affairs, honours and abides by the agreements that governments signs with the government of its neighbour.

Why is the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia characterised as the strategic Enemy?

In this writing, the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia is singularly characterised and identified as a mortal strategic enemy of Eritrea and its people precisely because, since May 1998, the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia have been fostering foolhardily harmful designs, and was engaged, and still is, in antagonistic and hostile acts against Eritrea and its people. In other words, the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia has been engaged under various pretexts in acts which endangers the security and unity of Eritrea and its people, as well as conducting hostile propaganda campaign day-in and day-out against Eritrea; has occupied Eritrea’s sovereign territory illegally; has been mobilising -and still is - international and regional public opinion with the express aim to isolate and corner Eritrea (4). All these deeds and acts of the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia against Eritrea are in line and in complete conformity with the operational definition of an enemy government that I have provided in this writing. It is then, for this obvious reason, that the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia is being identified without any reasonable doubt as the dead-enemy of the Eritrea and its people.

And as long as the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia does not cease to engage itself directly or indirectly in antagonistic and hostile activities against Eritrea, continues to refuse honouring the legally binding agreements it has signed with the government of Eritrea, as well as refuses to start cooperating in a good spirit in matters of mutual interest, and continues to become an obstacle to the Eritrea’s progress and security, it will remain to be the number one enemy of Eritrea and its people. As matters stand today, the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia is a serious menace to the security of independent Eritrea, the unity of its people, and an obstacle to its economic progress and emancipation. This is also the reason why the majority of the Eritrean people perceive the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia, - and rightly so - as the strategic enemy of Eritrea and its people. As is the case, in the last decade, the Eritrean people have been closely and keenly observing the dirty politics of the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia, they thus cannot be fooled by Orwellian language of deception used by the TPLF rulers of Ethiopia. Indeed, the Eritrean people know only too well that, since May 1998, the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia has been following a criminal, protracted and conscious no-peace and no-war strategy against Eritrea with the express aim to strangulate the country economically and create a Somalia type of scenario in which Eritrea will be ungovernable and without a central government. And once the Eritrean people are at war, all against all, the TPLF army and its Eritrean collaborators will step-in and subjugate Eritrea and its people. Again, the political objective is to once again bring the country, its people and its highly valued and strategic sea-ports under the direct control of the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia.

Paradoxically, in spite of the colossal crimes the TPLF government of Ethiopia has committed and continues to commit against Eritrea and its people, yet on every occasion, the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia shamelessly claims and pretends to be the reliable friend of Eritrea and its people. Strangely enough, there are some Eritrean intellectuals in the Diaspora and the political groups based in Ethiopia that entertains and echoes the lies of the TPLF rulers of Ethiopia, defends and dismisses its atrocious deeds against the Eritrean people as simple things which are inevitable to happen at times of war(5). However, as far as I am concerned, the systematic destruction of crops, hospitals and health centres, vandalising the cemetery of Eritrean martyrs, the brutal raping of Eritrean mothers, and the destruction of historic monuments, are not things which happened because they were unavoidable at war time. In the concrete Eritrean case, the colossal crimes committed against the Eritrean people were planned and executed by the direct order of the Ethiopian government authorities in order to incur maximum pain and humiliation on the Eritrean people(6).

Some Self-Revealing Questions

I am going to be asking here some self-revealing central questions in order to show how politically corrupt and deceptive the TPLF collaborationist Eritreans has become when it comes to telling the Eritrean people the true political nature and stand of the TPLF regime towards Eritrea and its people. I am posing some central and self-revealing questions in order to expose the phoney nationalism, or rather the sub-nationalism, entertained openly or in disguise by the collaborationist Eritrean groups operating from their bases in Ethiopia. Needless to remind readers, sub-nationalism is diametrically and violently opposed to Eritreanism (Eritrean nationalism).

The self-revealing questions which I have in mind are the following:

(1) how could groups that identify as Eritrean nationalists dare to call a government which has committed such colossal atrocities against Eritrea and its people a friend of Eritrea and its people?

(2) how is it possible that a government, which is still occupying Eritrean sovereign territory illegally and in crude violation of the verdict of the Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission (EEBC), could be identified as an ally of Eritrea and its people?

(3) And how could a regime, that is invading periodically Eritrean sovereign territory with impunity, be identified as an ally of Eritrea and its people? Are these deeds not a clear manifestation that the TPLF government of Ethiopia has an utter contempt for Eritrea, its people and international law? In other words, how could the Eritrean groups based in Ethiopia afford to describe the aggressive TPLF-led government of Ethiopia – a regime with unreserved hostility to Eritrea and its people - as Eritrea’s strategic ally?

(4) How could a regime which has cruelly deported and humiliated 75,000 Eritreans and Ethiopians of Eritrean origin[7] be described and accepted as a strategic ally of Eritrea and its people? What kind of Eritreans are those who describe the TPLF regime, which has brutally raped Eritrean mothers and young girls; destroyed hospitals and health centres; dismantled and transported equipments to Tigray; vandalised and dug the cemetery of Eritrean martyrs; and destroyed historic monuments, crops, homes and churches as a friend of Eritrea and its people?[8] How could the TPLF-led government, which has, in its May 2000 flagrant invasion of Eritrea, displaced 1.2million people from their beloved homes and rendered them homeless; destroyed agricultural areas in western and central Eritrea – the area considered to be the breadbasket of the country from where 60% of the agricultural produce comes and is now rendered useless, be treated and accepted as a friend and ally of Eritrea and its people?[9]

(5) What kind of Eritreans are those who describe the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia as the friend of Eritrea and its people when its rag-tag armies have stolen and transported to Tigray as war booty thousands of Eritrean cattle, donkeys, camels, mules, sheep and goats belonging to the Eritrean people?[10] How could a regime that invaded Eritrea using massive force during the ploughing and planting season with the intention to create humanitarian and food security crisis in Eritrea be treated and accepted as the friend of Eritrea and its people? Last, but by no means the least, how could the TPLF regime which has stolen the property of Eritreans, to an estimated value of some $800,000,000, be described as the friend of Eritrea and its people?[11]

As far as I am concerned, the straightforward answer to all of the above posed questions is this: the Eritrean groups based in Ethiopia, which defend the interest of the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia and describes itself as a strategic ally of Eritrea and its people are on the payroll and in total control of the TPLF government of Ethiopia. As such, these groups are totally dependent on their political survival and day-to-day activities on the TPLF government of Ethiopia, and are thus subservient to its strategic interest. Consequently, they are incapable in defending or advancing the national interest of Eritrea and its people or to play a meaningful role in the democratic struggle for a new Eritrea by Eritreans and for Eritreans. This is the main reason why the Eritrean people also do not trust and much less lend their support to these groups based in Ethiopia and view them instead as the active collaborators with the historical enemies of Eritrea and its people.

Some Concluding Remarks

This writing has raised and discussed in detail whether or not, at this juncture, the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia is an enemy or friend of Eritrea and its people. By advancing convincing and rational arguments, as well as by forwarding hard and unimpeachable evidences, I have characterised and identified the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia as a dead strategic enemy of Eritrea and its people.

Consequently, in concluding this writing, I would like to point out that Eritreans must be acutely aware that the TPLF rulers of Ethiopia, who pose and portray themselves misleadingly on every occasion as the friends of Eritrea and its people while keeping the country and its people as hostages through their cruel strategy of no-war and no-peace, and spawning and fostering ethnic and religious divisions and antagonism among the brotherly people of Eritrea, are, in reality, the most dangerous enemies of Eritrea and its people. As such, if circumstances allow them, the TPLF rulers of Ethiopia are determined to destroy the achievements of the Eritrean people scored in the last fifty years through their blood and sweat. In other words, Eritreans must understand clearly that the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia has no interest in ending its hostility with Eritrea.

In the meantime, patriotic Eritreans must make it absolutely clear on every occasion to the TPLF rulers of Ethiopia that Eritrean independence is real and irreversible. As is the case, colossal price has been paid to secure and make Eritrean independence a reality. Consequently, if attacked, Eritreans are going to defend independent Eritrea no matter what the cost.

References and Notes

1. To understand my points, listen to the ridiculous claim made by so-called educated Eritrean (Muhurat Eritrawyan) in a VOA interview upon their return from an Ethiopian government sponsored and organised meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The two Eritreans who characterised the Ethiopian government as a strategic friend of Eritrea, and who spoke uncritically in support of everything what the TPLF-led government does against Eritrea, were Dr. Abiyo and Dr. Mohamed. The ridiculous views they expressed in that interview has indeed angered Eritrean patriots at home and in the Diaspora. For such views were expressed at a time when the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia have become a serious menace to the territorial integrity, security and the unity of Eritrea and its people. See the interview conducted by VOA journalist, Minia Afework, in September 2011.

2. Again this claim is false and a pure propaganda ploy disseminated by TPLF cadres and their Eritrean agents and is designed to belittle the heroic sacrifice made by the Eritrean People’s Liberation Army (EPLA) in the liberation of Eritrea. The opposite is, however, the truth: i.e. the TPLF would not have entered Addis Ababa triumphantly and consolidated their rule in Ethiopia without the decisive role played by the Eritrean Liberation Army (EPLA).

3. This claim is also false and misleading because Eritrea has had fulfilled all the internationally required criteria to be fully recognised as a sovereign nation and a member of the United Nations and other continental and regional organisations. Thus, irrespective of the TPLF government’s position then, Eritrea would have been recognised any way as a free and sovereign nation. It is thus ridiculous and unjust to compare the Eritrean case with that of Northern Somalia. It is an unjust comparison because the Eritrean issue is a colonial question while that of Northern Somalia is a question of secession: i.e. an internal matter to Somalia.

4. The continuing hostile and malicious posture of the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia against Eritrea is stated in a recent document released by the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In this document, the TPLF rulers of Ethiopia, as usual, have made a litany of false accusations against Eritrea. The top political priorities of the TPLF regime, at present, are to conduct diplomatic campaigns in order to give the wrong impression that small Eritrea is a menace to international and regional peace in the Horn of Africa region. They are engaged in such futile efforts with the hope to further isolate Eritrea and convince the International community to continue the unjust sanctions regime imposed on Eritrea by the UN Security Council in 2009 and 2011. See the document entitled, “Eritrea’s Efforts to Lift Sanctions: a mockery without changes in policy or Behaviour”. This document was disseminated by the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the 28/12/2013.

5. This is precisely the reason why the Eritrean people view TPLF government bootlicker Eritrean political groups as puppets of the TPLF government and deny them any support or sympathy.

6. The fact of the matter is, the documents found in the hands of some Ethiopian political prisoners shows that the Ethiopian invading army were clearly instructed to loot, destroy and vandalise everything which comes their way while fighting inside Eritrea to defeat the Eritrean defence forces.

7. See “Mass Expulsion of Eritreans and Ethiopians of Eritrean origin from Ethiopia and Human Rights Violations”, by Prof. Dr.Gaim Kibreab in Eritrean Studies Review, vol.3, number 2, 1999. See also Human Rights Watch: Ethiopia & Eritrea, Vol.15, No.3, January 2003, p.5. In order to justify the inhuman and illegal mass-deportation of Eritreans and Ethiopians of Eritrean origin from Ethiopia, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, has expressed the following ridiculous and quasi-fascistic views. Here it is as broadcasted on radio Ethiopia on July 9, 1998: “Any foreigner, whether Eritrean, Japanese, ext, lives in Ethiopia because of the goodwill of the Ethiopian government. If the Ethiopian government says ’Go’, because we do not like the colour of your eyes, they have to leave”. See also the report prepared and submitted by Asmerom Lgesse on behalf of Citizens for Peace in Eritrea “Uprooted, Part Two: A Scientific Survey of Ethnic Eritrean Deportees from Ethiopia conducted with regard to Human Rights Violations”, February 22, 1999.

8. Concerning the ill-treatment, torture, rape or other the degrading treatment and the mass deportation and displacement and other human rights violations committed by the TPLF led government of Ethiopia against Eritreans, see Human Rights Developments, World report 2001 Human Rights Watch. See also” Relationship at a Distance”, by Ogbazgy Abbay Asmerom, June 19, 2000.

9. See Relationship at a Distance. See also Peter Biles, “Eritrean disaster looms as a million flee from rapidly advancing Ethiopian forces”, The Independent, 20 May 2000.

10. See “Relationship at a Distance”.

11. Ibid. The Woyane fascist thugs ruling Ethiopia, their cadres and the tiny unpatriotic Eritreans, who collaborate with them, should know right on time that the Eritrean people are politically highly matured and have enough intelligence and patriotic zeal/dedication and the ability to clearly identify and discern their strategic friends and sympathisers from their dead enemies and their local collaborators. Indeed, the Eritrean people know only too well today, despite claims to the contrary by Eritrean woyane collaborators, that the ethno-fascist thugs ruling Ethiopia today are the most vicious and envious mortal enemies of independent Eritrea and its freedom loving people.

Ethiopian MiG-23

Eight Ethiopian Air Force Pilots Defected in October


A total of eight Ethiopian Air Force pilots have defected this month, according to a senior Eritrean official.

The official didn't specify if the pilots defected to Eritrea, or if they managed to flee the country with their aircrafts, though it is highly likely they did in both cases.

The defections come as reports indicate the Ethiopian Air Force is in shambles, and that the TPLF oligarchs are "disgusted" by their poor performances.

Ethiopia is no stranger to high-profile air force defections. Last year, four Ethiopian helicopter pilots and a MiG-23 pilot defected to Eritrea.

The names of the helicopter pilots are Cap. Aklilu Mezene, Cap. Tilahun Tufa, Cap. Getu Worku and Cap. Biniam Gizaw, while the name of the MiG-23 pilot is Daniel Yeshewas.


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Flashback video: In 2006, over 300 Ethiopian troops, including Brigadier General Kemal Gelchu, along with his trusted colonels, defected in mass to Eritrea.

Ethiopian police attacking football spectators in Addis Ababa

Britain axes aid to Ethiopian police amid human rights outcry


By Matthew Holehouse,

Britain has suspended most of a £27 million aid programme to support Ethiopia’s police force, The Telegraph has learnt, amid mounting allegations of torture, rape and murder by the regime.

Ministers pulled the plug on a scheme intended to improve criminal investigations, help Ethiopian police “interact with communities on local safety” and help women access the justice system.

The cancellation coincides with an Amnesty International report that documents how the Ethiopian security forces have conducted a campaign of torture, mutilation, rape and murder in order to suppress political opposition.

Britain has given £1 billion in aid, including around £70 million for “governance and security” projects, to the country over three years. Critics of the ruling regime have disappeared, and Amnesty International found allegations of men being blinded and women being gang raped and burnt with hot coals by regime officials.

There are mounting fears for the safety of Andy Tsege, a British national and critic of the regime, who was abducted in Yemen before being tortured and sentenced to death.

The Department for International Development said the project was cancelled because it did not represent “value for money” and because of “risk” in getting it delivered on time.

It insisted that the cancellation of the project was entirely unrelated to allegations of human rights abuses, and said the decision pre-dated the Amnesty International report.

However, earlier this year an internal government assessment of the programme warned it posed a “high” risk to human rights, upgrading it from medium.

The document noted that the Government of Ethiopia appeared reluctant to improve the human rights situation. “The underlying assumption of GoE’s commitment to reform in the security sector is sensitive and subject to a range of factors (e.g. terrorist attacks inside Ethiopia). In light of this, we propose elevating the risk to ‘high’.”

It also warned that work had been “poor quality” with “weak value for money”. There were “tensions” between British aid workers and the Government of Ethiopia, with Ethiopian civil servants complaining over being “overwhelmed” by paperwork. Work fell behind the timetable.

The document, an annual assessment of the scheme, was subsequently deleted from the website.

DfID said the document was deleted because the programme had changed. The decision to axe the programme went unannounced before inquiries from this newspaper, despite mounting concern at the deteriorating situation in the country.

A DfID spokesman said: “DFID has suspended major activities under the Community Safety and Justice programme because of concerns about risk and value for money. We are updating the website to reflect programme changes.”

One element of the scheme, run by Harvard University in measuring the effectiveness of justice reforms, will continue to be funded by Britain.

The deletion of the documents was detected by Reprieve, the anti-death penalty charity which is campaigning for Mr Tsege's release.

"While MrTsege is held in a secret prison in Ethiopia under sentence of death, Dfid has inexplicably scrubbed alltraces of this funding from its website," said Maya Foa, the head of the death penalty team. "The Government should be using its extensive influence in Ethiopia to ensure the safety of one of its nationals, not aiding the very forces responsible for his detention - then removing the evidence.”

A blistering report on Thursday warned that British aid money is fuelling corruption overseas. One development project in Nepal encouraged people to forge documents to gain grants while police stations in Nigeria linked to British aid were increasingly demanding bribes, the Independent Commission on Aid Impact found.

TPLF continues to have its gross human right violations and apartheid system swept under the rug due to its puppet role as a regional spoiler for the United States.

US Cannot save Ethiopia from Tigray-Peoples-Liberation-Front

Amanuel Biedemariam

Does Ethiopia need saving and why? For those that follow the region closely, the signs are clear that Ethiopia faces imminent instability. Absent of divine intervention there appears no credible movement that can bring peaceful change in Ethiopia. The people of Ethiopia tried for years unsuccessfully to have their voice expressed at the ballot box and found it impossible.

In its response to Somalia Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG) Ginbot7 one of Ethiopia’s leading opposition groups wrote,

“Ginbot 7 was formed as a political movement in order to advance justice, freedom, and liberal democracy in Ethiopia. Ginbot 7 believes that no meaningful and genuinely competitive elections can take place in the country due to the prevailing and ever worsening egregious human rights violations, the closing of political space, the harassment and persecution of members of the legal and peaceful political opposition. Furthermore, an entrenched minority ethnocratic dictatorship in Ethiopia has determined to perpetuate its hold on power by all and any means necessary.”

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) remains hell-bent on staying in power by any means necessary.  This dichotomy has been pulling the nation apart for some time. These and other factors are threatening to splinter Ethiopia in ways that can re-shape the geopolitical, strategic makeup of the region and influence US policies in many ways.

The latest “Ginbot-7-tplfs-minority-ethnic-monopoly-of-the-armed-forces-in-Ethiopia” report on moral of the Ethiopian military personnel and, leadership composition states,

“There is widespread discontent among the regular army as well as rank and file officers that is predominantly drawn from the large non Tigrean ethnicity some of whom are referring to themselves as becoming slaves to a Tigrean dominated system. For several years now there is widespread and simmering discontent with this domination but questions related to these issues are not normally raised or discussed in public, for fear of prosecution.”

The report continues,

“According to this survey, the existing military governance system is highly skewed to one minority ethnic group, TPLF Tigrians. In general, the survey indicates that the system being followed by the current TPLF government is comparable to the old colonial and apartheid military organization systems, which now have become relics of history.”

The South African (SA) apartheid era army was considered amongst the most powerful in the world. The countries in the region posed no threats to it. The SA military was full of black South African mercenary foot soldiers that brutalized their kind. Similarly, the TPLF army’s core leadership is from Tigray when the majority of Ethiopian armed forces are comprised from other ethnic groups. And like the SA army the TPLF uses the military as mercenary forces that use brute force to quell revolt.

History shows that the apartheid army of SA failed and as such the TPLF minority clique will fail. The difference however, unlike the South African army which was established, independent, rich and possessed nuclear armaments, the TPLF army is very-dependent on aid, beset by internal and external threats and when it fails will take the country down with it.

Ethiopia is mired with-inner conflicts that are artificially-muzzled with brute force, intimidation, coercion, bribes etc… Recent Amnesty International report details repression and brutality the Oromos face. Currently Ethiopia faces simmering conflicts in the South with the Oromo, in the west the Benishangul, in the East the Ogaden, in central Ethiopia with the Amhara’s and in the north with the Tigray People’s Democratic Movement TPDM.

The conflicts Ethiopian (TPLF) forces are engaged-in are directed against the people in all regions of Ethiopia. The TPLF does not represent the people or the interests of the people; they are interested-only, to hold-on to power by any means necessary. The aspirations of the people are immaterial to the TPLF.

On the other side, the struggles and conflicts the people of Ethiopia wage are directed against the minority clique from Tigray TPLF-lead apartheid army.

The TPLF cannot exist in peace based on democracy and with-in a united Ethiopia. It needs constant state of conflict to survive. To that end, soon after assuming power 1991, TPLF divided Ethiopia based on Ethnicity, handed every region flag and declared Article-39 which gives every ethnic-region the right to self-determination and right to declare independence, setting the template for division.

Ethiopia faultiness is not limited to ethnic divisions. The TPLF is not afraid to use religion for political or financial gain from the West. The TPLF has been instigating conflicts with Ethiopia’s religious communities for a while. Ethiopia’s Muslims have over the last 6 years, demonstrated in huge numbers citing various grievances.

These simmering tensions are alive in all aspects of Ethiopia’s political, economic, social, ethnic, military and other-life threatening the very existence of the nation.

The massive land leasing/sales program the TPLF is engaged-in is displacing Ethiopians in large numbers further escalating tension between indigenous Ethiopians and the ethnic minority Tirayans led by TPLF which is using brute force to push populations out of their land.

Unfortunately, Ethiopia’s existential threats are not only confined to its borders. Irrational, short-sighted adventures have made the TPLF a regional pariah thus target. The TPLF clique is from Tigray, Northern Ethiopia. Since 1991, they have worked as mercenary foot soldiers of the West and engaged in conflicts with countries in the region pursuant of Western interests in the name of Ethiopia and at the expense of the interest of the countries thus people of the region.

The TPLF was propelled to power by Eritrea. As soon as they were able however, made Eritrea their first target, waged a devastating wars and created seemingly insurmountable-permanent state of conflict called, “No Peace No War” designed to weaken Eritrea into submission.

The TPLF miscalculated by assuming it will take 6 months for Eritrea to fold. It declared regime change, recruited individuals and groups and committed aggressions. They trained terrorists, established government(s) in exile, recruited regionalist, religious extremists, susceptible individuals and declared war to topple the government of Eritrea. The TPLF has been openly hostile to Eritrea while crying wolf and occupying sovereign Eritrean territories in violation of international laws.

However, the opposite became true. Eritrea’s resilience has turned the table on the TPLF.  The genocidal dictator Meles Zenawi is dead and the No War No Peace agenda he put on place has become an albatross that it could not dislodge.

The adventurism of Ethiopia continues unabated. In 2006, the TPLF committed another huge blunder when it invaded Somalia a sovereign nation in violation of international laws under the pretext of fighting terrorists and extremist Muslims and destabilized Somalia. Eight years later, after loses of countless lives and distraction, Somalia is in worse position. Ethiopia, touted by the West as Christian nation, invaded an Islamic state on Christmas and nurtured unnecessary enmity with the people of Somalia.

The TPLF adventures have placed Ethiopia at odds with Egypt by playing politics with the Nile which poses existential threat for the people of Egypt.

Recently, at the behest of the US, the TPLF attempted a regime change-heist in South Sudan (SS). The attempt threatened the lives of the leaders and perpetuated the instability in SS. It also placed Ethiopia at odds with SS with long term security implications.

The SS leaders took some major steps to protect their interests. They opted-out of the mediation held in Ethiopia, demanded negotiations moved to Tanzania, reaffirmed their commitments to China, and signed military agreements with Uganda and Egypt. This agreement gives Egypt backdoor to Ethiopia. The SS have also expressed their discontentment with Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) a regional organization that Ethiopia controls and uses for sinister motives and minimized Ethiopia’s place in it.

As a host nation of the African Union, when dealing with African matters, Ethiopia was supposed to play a neutral role. By overplaying its hand the TPLF damaged Ethiopia’s future roles as neutral location for Africa.

Many factors could propel abrupt change. Ethiopia is the second poorest nation in the world prone to famine and other calamities. Addis Ababa is beset by power outages and the streets are littered with beggars. Recent reports placed the number of orphans at 4.5 million, which is 5% of the total population. Ethiopia remains heavily indebted and it depends on foreign aid which makes-up-to 97% of its annual budget. Ethiopia receives aid primarily because it serves as a foot soldier to western interests. When the West decides they cannot pursue their interests through Ethiopia it is unlikely that the aid will be forthcoming at the current level.

Additional regional developments could divert western attention away from Ethiopia. For example, recent developments in Yemen could play game changing role. These developments can influence events in Saudi Arabia; change how the US acts in the Baab Al Mendeb, Indian Ocean and the Red Sea; it can change US stances in Djibouti for budgetary or other reasons.

These and other factors can influence western decision makers on how they finance Ethiopia. When they do the TPLF is effectively done because it depends on Western aid for its life.

Conclusion

The situation in Ethiopia is unsustainable by all standards. Ethiopia is a pressure cooker. The central government is wrapped by destabilizing factors inside and outside the country. Anything can spark unrest thus instability in Ethiopia. Instability in Ethiopia will spell disaster for Western presence and influence. It will wreak havoc and become a breeding ground for terror and extremism that will influence the region and beyond.

The consensus has been that Ethiopia is large and strong. That perception is serving the people of Ethiopia poorly because it shields the vulnerabilities-the-reality from the international community and denies Ethiopians real solutions.

The West and particularly the US has so far been irresponsible in the way they manage Ethiopia. Their actions belie the undercurrent that will engulf the nation and by extension the region. Ethiopia is a ticking bomb ready to explode and almost too late for anyone to save it from its own misdeeds. It will spell disaster if the US fails to change direction. The atrocities the people of Ethiopia and especially Tigray could face will be devastating long term.


Awetnayu@hotmail.com


Esat Scores die in southern Ethiopia due to a conflict between Mezhenger and Highlanders,

Ethiopia’s armed forces are comparable to the apartheid military structures of the past.

http://www.amnestyusa.org/news/news-item/ethiopia-ethnic-oromos-arrested-tortured-and-killed-by-the-state-in-relentless-repression-of-dissent

Djibouti City

Djibouti 'utopia' is 'hell on earth'

Ab Abdo,

This is in response to Djibouti Ambassador H.E. Robir Olhaye’s response to an earlier Congress blog.

I was not surprised to read what the ambassador had to say about the government. He completely rejected the article as a whole and did not concede a single point. I was not surprised that he would say such nice things about Djibouti. I mean how could he not? No one would dare to say anything against the man who is signing their checks.

Behind this façade of a perfect government, nothing is what it seems. The reality in Djibouti is far worse than how it’s being reported. The national television (RTD), being the mouthpiece of the government, can only paint a glossy picture that depicts Djibouti as a “utopia”.

Olhaye has been the permanent representative of Djibouti to the United Nations and the United States since 1988. I doubt that within that period, he has spent more than 2 weeks in Djibouti. I am more qualified than he is to tell you about the real Djibouti, because unlike him, I lived through it.

A couple of years ago, I packed my bags and decided to go back home. Home is where the heart is, I thought. I was excited to be back in familiar places. Although, nothing seemed familiar anymore. My excitement was short-lived. What I encountered what is beyond horrific. I couldn’t imagine that people lived in these conditions; it was inhumane. Djiboutians were lacking water, electricity and adequate healthcare. Hospitals are overcrowded, under-staffed and lack proper medications.

The government is not helping either. Thanks to the president and his “helpers”, the state treasury only serves as their wallet. They helped themselves from financing their next campaign to building their next castle. While the wealth gap dilemma is not unique, it couldn’t be more apparent in Djibouti. Unlike its neighbors, Djibouti enjoyed peace and stability. Djibouti has resources at its disposal. But the real culprit is the president, Ismail Omar Guelleh. He enjoys a luxurious lifestyle beyond what his “paycheck” as president can afford.

Let’s talk about how wasteful the government has proven to be. Djibouti has almost the same amount of ministers and vice-ministers as France. Mind you that Djibouti’s population is a mere 1 million compared to France's 66 million. Government departments sometimes overlap. Talk about redundancy and waste of resources.

People do not want any luxuries. All they ask is to have their basic necessities met. Some of the people I met were struggling financially. The electricity bill alone was more than half their paycheck. Yet, well-paid government officials are given a reduced electric bill or free electricity. The logic of having poor people pay their utilities and the rich skip on the tab is beyond any comprehension.

On the subject of Boreh, it’s no secret what the motive was. It has always been the modus operandi of the Guelleh regime to discredit or persecute anyone who dares to challenge them. That is the fact and we all know it. Whether we want to believe or admit it, it’s a whole different thing. But the Obama administration has done Guelleh a great favor. He can imprison any of us and say that we are “Al Qaeda sympathizers”, and that’s all she wrote.

Djibouti deserves to be recognized for what it is: A hell on earth.

Abdo is a medical billing student and a Djiboutian national living in the United States.

Your Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General of the UN

Your Excellency Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Chairperson of the African Union Commission

Your Excellency Dr. Jim Yong Kim, President of the World Bank Group
Honourable Ministers,
Distinguished Delegates,
Ladies and Gentlemen;

Let me first express Eritrea's sincere appreciation for the timely initiative that is being launched today through the foresight and goodwill of our development partners; notably the World Bank Group and the UN.

The challenges that confront the Horn of Africa region at this historical juncture are certainly many and multi-layered. But without sounding unduly optimistic, it is clear that we can indeed leverage the latent potential of this richly endowed region, as well as the cultural affiliations and communality of interests that bind its peoples together, to envisage and set in motion realistic, incremental and synergetic processes that will ultimately catapult the region to a new and promising setting in the decades ahead.

This will of course be predicated on bolstering and reinvigorating paradigms of collective well-being and well-fare that transcend traditional, zero-sum, power politics at the inter-State level; supplemented by a more congenial domestic or intra-State environment of good governance rooted on the twin pillars of social harmony and inclusiveness.

The African Union, IGAD and other RECs at various stages of development in our continent broadly enunciate the ideals and underlying principles highlighted above. In this context, Eritrea welcomes the new initiative as it represents another complementary building bloc with an additional, vital, external impetus that can potentially lubricate and enhance the various collaborative and integrative processes already underway.

Excellencies,

Let me now revert to Eritrea's views on the two interrelated pillars that the Horn Initiative strives to focus on:


1. Pillar One: Vulnerability and Resilience

Meaningful material and relief assistance to refugees, IDPs and fragile or marginalized borderlands in the context of a gaping centre-periphery configuration is certainly useful and an urgent task that cannot, clearly, be postponed. At the same time, Eritrea sees the need for a two-track or parallel approach that is aimed at addressing the underlying causes while pursuing temporary measures to mitigate the emergency situations in the short-term. This endeavour is multi-layered as it encompasses wide ranging inter-State and intra-State conflict resolution mechanisms; credible and actionable early warning systems as well as related issues and trends of migration and human trafficking. These tasks fall within the purview of, and are currently managed, by multiple other bodies at the regional, continental and international levels. Nonetheless, coordination and pooling of resources will be useful and Eritrea sees positive dividends for the WBG initiative to create workable interfaces with the ongoing process; particularly the recent joint efforts by countries in the region and the European Union on matters of migration and human trafficking.

2. Pillar Two: Economic Opportunity and Integration

Eritrea wishes to comment on four subcomponents of this objective.

The report rightly alludes to the security development nexus. While there are a plethora of institutions and mechanisms for conflict prevention and resolution within the region and the continent as a whole, the net output in terms of effective results - Somalia, the Sudan, Eritrea/Ethiopia - remains far from satisfactory. There is thus an urgent need for a critical assessment of the prevailing security architectures to address intrinsic flaws and operational modalities. A paramount task in this regard is the robustness of the ground rules and basic principles that guide and inform effective action on these matters. The report for instance talks about the unresolved dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia when everyone knows full well that the dispute has long been resolved through an arbitration that both parties agreed to on the basis of a binding peace agreement. Clarity and universality of principles and approaches are thus critical parameters in the collective endeavours to resolve and prevent debilitating regional conflicts. Extraneous agendas and involvements must also be carefully scrutinized and appraised to ensure that the interests of the region are not subordinated and compromised for ulterior objectives. Regional polarisation is indeed a periloustrend and a recipe for cataclysmic turmoil as the sad events in the Middle East illustrate.

In regard to communications, Eritrea sees tangible advantages in enhancing fibre-optic based, broadband, Internet connectivity in the region; particularly in the countries where this is lacking. Investment opportunities, business transactions, governance and education will continue to be severely hampered in the absence of these facilities and upgrading them through various financial instruments – including concessional loans – will go a long way in accelerating economic growth.

The extractive industry – whether in the mineral or hydrocarbon sector – is another area where meaningful action can deliver huge dividends. As the report highlights, the region possesses huge endowments in the mineral sector and contains commercially exploitable hydrocarbon resources. These endowments are the property of future generations and require prudence and potent negotiating levers on the part of the host countries to ensure fair return from their commercial exploitation through joint ventures with big multinational companies. In this respect, emulation of best practices; joint development of models for investment terms and instruments; maximisation of local share through effective involvement in the value chains; and, increasing local capabilities and competencies will be valuable in the endeavours to ensure fair and sustainable exploitation of these resources. Eritrea believes that the Initiative can contribute much in all these areas. Furthermore, we believe that local capacity building must be accorded high priority within this scheme. In our case, we have already initiated first degree and diploma course on process, mining engineering and associated competencies at the Institute of Technology. Tangible programmes that promote regional capabilities and exchange of experiences and expertise can bolster these nascent endeavours.

Finally, on the public private partnership arrangements and the issue of deregulation in certain areas. In our view, the principal bottleneck does not lie in the regulatory department. For most private domestic enterprises, the hurdles they face are mostly tied with access to foreign currency and favourable credit terms both for capex and working capital. Creative schemes that address this problem could be useful indeed.

Excellencies,

In concluding my brief remarks, allow me to digress somewhat from the main themes of this session to mention two interrelated issues that will inevitably corrode the momentum of this initiative.

Eritrea could not be represented at the highest possible level in this Ministerial Session because of the particular venue that has been chosen. Until and unless Ethiopia's occupation of sovereign Eritrean territories is removed and normalcy restored between the two countries, Eritrea believes Ministerial Conferences of this nature need to be convened in capitals in the region that will not put any party in an awkward situation. Eritrea hopes that these sensitivities will be taken into account in subsequent arrangements.

Secondly, the Horn of Africa appellation for the initiative seems to have been creatively conjured up to circumvent another embarrassment ensued from unlawful blockage of Eritrea's rightful resumption of its membership in IGAD. Again on this count, the best approach must be, in our view, speedy resolution of that conundrum rather than creating new mechanisms that will inevitably entail institutional duplication and wastage.

We have raised these issues not because we desire or have an appetite to stir mutual acrimony with a Member State but simply in the interest of maximizing the output and our collective dividends as we embark on a prospective process.

I thank you!

OEA Deplores UN Security Council’s Extension of Monitoring Group’s Term 

By OEA,

We at the Organization of Eritrean Americans (OEA) strongly deplore the UN Security Council’s decision to extend the term of the UN Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group and its failure to consider lifting the unjust sanctions imposed on the young African nation five years ago based on charges that have long been proven to be groundless.

This is unfortunate because there is just no evidence to support the decision, Resolution 2182 (2014) of 24 October 2014, and justify the continuation of the Monitoring Group’s work with regards to Eritrea. We would like to point the Council to the findings of the former U.S. Assistant Secretary for Africa Herman Cohen, who said in a widely published article last year, “All available intelligence indicates that Eritrea has not had any contact [with Somali insurgents] since 2009.” Ambassador Cohen also dismissed outright the preposterous attempts in the past to link this young African nation to Islamic extremism. “Those of us who know Eritrea well,” he said, “understand that the Eritrean leadership fears Islamic militancy as much as any other country in the Horn of Africa region.”

The bottom line here is that not only has there been no evidence since 2009, but there was no evidence during the period leading up to 2009 when the then U.S. UN Ambassador Susan Rice rammed the original sanctions package, Resolution 1907 (2009), down the throats of most of the members of the Security Council. This was during President Obama’s first year in office—and that was only the beginning.

Today, even the Monitoring Group, though it tried to move the goal-post fishing for other charges against Eritrea, finally admitted in its last report released last month, that “We've found no evidence of Eritrean support to al-Shabab,” This is something that Eritrea and the Eritrean people at home and abroad claimed right from the start.

The UN Security Council’s decision is also unfortunate because giving this integrity-challenged and thoroughly corrupted Monitoring Group another year to continue on its politically-driven fishing expedition will serve neither the interests of peace nor of justice in the conflict-ravaged Horn of Africa. What is more, some are pushing for the Group’s visit Eritrea “to investigate various strands of evidence that come their way.”

In the past, the Group used every opportunity to create its own “facts” and “evidence” or use “facts” and “evidence” created in the fertile minds of Ethiopia’s dirty-trick operatives, consultants and foreign enablers, to make sure the sanctions stay put. This is a clear indication that the UN Security Council has not been paying attention to the actions and behavior of the Monitoring Group, as a team, or as individuals, since its establishment in 2005, especially on issues relating to Eritrea and the Eritrean people. The Group has shown the world how corrupt it is. Two of its members were fired for actions and behaviors unbecoming of a UN investigation officer. But, their actions and behaviors are reflections of the Group’s corrupt organizational culture that seems to have lost any sense of the truth.

Remember, this is the same Group that had claimed in 2006 that 2,000 Eritrean troops were in Somalia, supporting the Islamic Courts Union (ICU)! To fortify its fraudulent claim, the Group gave a lot of details about the departure, travel and final destination of the troops in Somalia. As they say, the key to a good lie lies in the details. The disinformation artists who either fed the Group or the Group members themselves know the value of details when they are selling a lie constructed, refined and wrapped up in details for a purpose: to provide a cover for Ethiopia’s naked invasion of poor Somalia by inventing a national security threat for the Tigrayan-dominated Ethiopian regime.

The Monitoring Group told us when these phantom 2000 Eritrean troops left Eritrea (August 26, 2006), the mode of transportations (three dhows), that they were “fully equipped,” and how they entered Somalia (through Warsheikh, located north of Mogadishu, along the coast); then the monitoring Group said “the troops were re-located to an area in north Mogadishu for ultimate re-deployment to different ICU held areas.”

Wait, there are more details: “They were re-deployed as follows: 500 of the Eritrean troops went to Baledogle, 500 to Hilweyne-training camp, 500 to Lower Shabelle, and 500 remained in Mogadishu and were stationed at Villa Baidoa and the former Police Academy, Bolisiya”—A well rounded number, 2000, divided into four neat batches! Wow! A lot of very neat details, but when the Ethiopians invaded Somalia and controlled the country four months later, in December 2006, they couldn’t find any trace of their presence in Somalia.

Then in 2011, some more phantom stories were concocted to impose another round of sanctions against Eritrea. The phantom stories this time included a fictitious tale that alleged Eritrea had tried to bomb a gathering of African Heads of States in Addis Ababa. To sell this fabrication the Group tried to pass off a well-known Ethiopian army officer, Colonel Gemechu Ayana, as an Eritrean. Another phantom report claimed shortly after this bold fabrication was that of three Eritrean flights, on three separate occasions, evading detection from American and European patrols in the Indian Ocean, delivered weapons to Al Shabab at the Baidoa airport. Like the one on “2000 phantom soldiers”, we were told at what time the planes landed, how many soldiers unloaded their loads, …. Then, 9 months later, after the charge was used to help pass another round of sanctions against Eritrea, the Group came out and said that it never happened. Year-in year-out the Group’s reports are full of stories of fabrications like these.

However, no one has been held accountable for these outlandish fabrications invented and circulated under the cover of investigation and used to impose a series of sanctions against this young and poor African nation. What does this say about the UN or the UN Security Council?

Given all these challenges, to expect this Monitoring Group to “investigate various strands of evidence” and, “if there is no evidence,” to come back and clear Eritrea of the groundless charges and push for the lifting of the unjust sanctions is not likely to happen. In fact, the Group may try to use such a trip to “authenticate” the details in the potential fabrications they may have in store for us. Of course, anything is possible. But, the Group’s history of the last eight years points in only one direction. 

Eritrea-South Africa Festival in Asmara

The Press Section of the Permanent Mission of the State of Eritrea to the AU and UNECA has released its twenty-first bi-weekly newsletter.

Click here to read the previous newsletter.




The Secretary of the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), Mr. Al-Amin Mohamed Seid, took part in the 4th General Congress of Sudan’s ruling National Congress Party.

In a solidarity message he conveyed at the opening session of the Congress, on 23 October, on behalf of President Isaias Afwerki, Chairman of the PFDJ, and the Eritrean people, Mr. Al-Amin pointed out that Eritrea and Sudan constitute a geopolitical unit in the Red Sea region as well as the Horn of Africa and Nile River region. He further explained that the geographical proximity of the two countries has enabled them to work in partnership in different domains for the benefit of both peoples.

The PFDJ Secretary stated that the unity and prosperity of Sudan has a positive impact on neighbouring countries, and that the Eritrean people and their leadership attach great significance to enhancing the partnership between the two nations.

During his stay in Khartoum, Mr. Al-Amin met with several Sudanese government officials including Gen. Bekri Hassan Saleh, First Vice President; Prof. Ibrahim Gendur, Assistant President; Mr. Al-Fatah Uzedin, Chairman of Parliament and held discussions on strengthening the existing bilateral relations.



The new Horn of Africa (HoA) Initiative led by the World Bank was launched on 27 November 2014 at the Headquarters of the UN Economic Commission for Africa in Addis Ababa. The initiative aims to address some of the key drivers of instability in the HoA and promote development in the area.

The launching ceremony was attended by the Foreign Ministers and representatives of the countries of the Horn, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, the President of the World Bank Group, the Deputy Executive Secretary of the UNECA, and the Executive Secretary of IGAD.

The representatives of the African Development Bank, Islamic Development Bank and the European Union were also in attendance. H.E. Ambassador Araya Desta, Permanent Representative of Eritrea to AU and UNECA, participated in the event representing H.E. Mr. Osman Saleh, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Eri-
trea.

Speaking on the occasion, Ambassador Araya expressed Eritrea's appreciation for the timely initiative. He indicated that utilizing the region’s potential is predicated on bolstering and reinvigorating paradigms of collective well-being and well-fare that transcend traditional, zero-sum, power politics at the inter-State level; supplemented by a more congenial domestic or intra-State environment of good governance rooted on the twin pillars of social harmony and inclusiveness.

In regard to Eritrea’s views on and inputs to the areas prioritized by the initiative, Ambassador Araya highlighted:

• On vulnerability and resilience - the need for a two-track or parallel approach that is aimed at addressing the underlying causes while pursuing temporary measures to mitigate the emergency situations in the short-term, 


• On conflict prevention and resolution - the need for critical assessment of the prevailing security architectures to address intrinsic flaws and operational modalities, 


• On communications - the importance of enhancing fibre-optic based, broadband, Internet connectivity in the region; particularly in the countries where this is lacking, 


• In the extractive industry - emulation of best practices; joint development of models for investment terms and instruments; maximisation of local share through effective involvement in the value chains; and, increasing local capabilities and competencies, 


• On public private partnership arrangements – the necessity of developing creative schemes that facilitate access to foreign currency and favourable credit terms both for capex and working capital.

The full text of the statement is available at: Madote


On 14 July and 12 August 2014 Eritrea submitted responses to the various requests for information from the Somalia Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG). Moreover, on 10 October 2014, Eritrea presented its views in detail during the informal consultations with the UN Security Council Committee Established pursuant Resolutions 751(1992) and 1907(2009).

Here is an excerpt from Eritrea’s response dated 14 July 2014.

“It is now five years since the unjust sanctions were imposed on Eritrea. They have not contributed to regional peace and security in the Horn of Africa. In fact, if they are not lifted they will bring and perpetuate more instability and conflict to the region. Indeed, they are harming the people of Eritrea, hampering economic and social development. It is now clear that there is no justification for the continuation of sanctions.

“The initial and principal accusation concerning Eritrean support to Al-Shabaab has long been proven to be non-existent. Moreover, Eritrea is committed to the Qatari mediation in relation to the Eritrea-Djibouti issue.

“Therefore, it is now clear that there is no justification for their continuation. Eritrea once again appeals to the United Nations Security Council to urgently lift these unjust and counterproductive sanctions.

“The events over the past 15-years and the facts on the ground clearly show that it is Ethiopia, not Eritrea that is actively engaged in destabilizing the region. Its continued occupation of sovereign Eritrean territory, including the town of Badme, with impunity, in violation of the United Nations Charter and its treaty obligation is the main cause of the instability in the Horn of Africa. In the interest of peace and security in the region and within the context of Resolutions 1907 (2009) and 2023 (2011), which reaffirms respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Eritrea, Ethiopia must be urged immediately and without any precondition to withdraw from sovereign Eritrean territories, including the town of Badme.”


The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the State of Eritrea and the Embassy of the Republic of South Africa in Asmara hosted the launch event of the Eritrea – South Africa Festival (ERISA) on 30th October 2014. The event took place at the Expo Conference Hall in Asmara, with the theme “People, Liberation and Development.”

The Festival is being held to celebrate the 10th Anniversary of the establishment of the Embassy of South Africa in Asmara.

Speaking on the occasion, Ambassador Tesfa michael Gerahtu stated that Eritrea and South Africa share similar historical experience of struggle for freedom and justice. He further pointed out that more efforts need to be exerted towards reinforcing the existing political, economic, cultural and diplomatic ties between the two countries.

Likewise, the South African Ambassador to Eritrea, Prof. Iqbal Jhazbhay, explained that the Festival will be held annually in a manner that would enhance all-rounded relations between Eritrea and South Africa. Ambassador Iqbal also indicated that the two countries are striving to coordinate their efforts in the international arena. He also expressed his country’s condemnation of the sanctions imposed on Eritrea.

The planned range of activities in the Festival include films, public lectures, handicraft/ design/ fashion event, food and music festival, and a Mining Seminar.




The shaping of the new development agenda, and how to learn from Eritrea’s impressive record on the health MDGs in the process, were the issues in focus for UN Day in Eritrea. 

Government officials, the diplomatic community, students, academia, private sector, as well as the UN and civil society gathered on 24th October to celebrate UN Day. The day started with tree planting inpartnership with the National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students (NUEYS) in Serejeka area; on the outskirts of Asmara. Thereafter everyone gathered in the UN compound to share drinks and cut the UN Day cake. The evening panel discussion focused on the process taking place at a global level to shape a successor agenda to the Millennium Development Goals.

Learning lessons from the MDGs 

Speaking on the occasion, the Eritrean Minister of Foreign Affairs, H.E. Mr. Osman Saleh, said that “Eritrea values a partnership that underpins national ownership, mutual trust and benefit.”

Ms. Christine N. Umutoni, UN Eritrea Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator on her part stated: “I believe Eritrea has a lot to share that could help formulate, shape and implement the Post- 2015 Development outlook for the good of humanity,”

Eritrea has made good progress with the health related MDGs ahead of time, an accomplishment that was highlighted in a recent event during the General Assembly of the UN in New York.

Dr. Andeberhan Tesfazion, Director General in the Ministry of Health, gave light to one important lesson on how Eritrea had reached the health related MDGs; “We left no-one behind – we focused on the nomadic and hard-to reach areas”, he explained.

Towards the post-2015 agenda 

During the discussions, former Eritrean Ambassador to the UK, Tesfamichael Gerathu, underlined how the new, proposed Sustainable Development Goals have to be seen in context of Eritrean nation building and that they have to be contextualized with national development goals.

Charge d’Affairs a.i, of the EU Delegation, Marc De-Bruycker expressed that the current drafting of the National Development Plan was welcomed by all development partners.

Youth in focus 

The representative from the NUEYS, Yasmin Tesfaldet, underlined that the proposed Sustainable Development Goals need to have meaning to each and every one to be effective. “The new SDGs will speak to governments, organizations, and to laymen. We need to embrace the goals, they need to be concise, as clear and simple as possible”, she said.

The representative of the NUEYS also pointed out that it is important that development should be youth led and that stress should be put on employment and entrepreneurship, and technological and social innovation, as young people are heavily affected by lack of employment opportunities. Furthermore, she emphasized the issue of brain drain as an issue of concern.

The evening ended with a get together and an art exhibition showing the different art work of the youth who had undertaken an art and poetry competition prior to the UN day with the theme ‘youth and development’. Winners received awards.

Source: UNDP Eritrea

Eritrea has now achieved MDG-4, MDG-5 and MDG-6 ahead of the 2015 deadline

Innovations driving Health MDGs In Eritrea

By UNDP,


SUMMARY

Eritrea has a positive and unique story to tell about health related Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Eritrea was one of the few countries expected to achieve the MDGs in health. As expected, Eritrea has now achieved all the three health MDGs namely MDG-4, reduce child mortality, MDG-5 improve maternal health and MDG-6 combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases.

Based on the latest data available and through an analysis of the trends of the eight MDGs, as well as the current supportive policy and political environment in Eritrea, this report tells the Eritrean experience in achieving MDGs 4, 5, 6. Specifically, this report highlights innovations, best practices, as well as challenges and bottlenecks that need to overcome in order to sustain the gains achieved thus far.

Continue reading below:

Philipp Muller, FDP President

Switzerland: FDP Wants to Return Eritrean Migrants Back Home


After nearly a decade of accepting the majority of Eritrean asylum cases, Switzerland is now having second thoughts about their disastrous policy.

Recently, a Swiss news agency reported the Free Democratic Party (FDP) will consider whether asylum seekers from Eritrea can be sent back to their home.

“It concerns us that the political and the security situation in Eritrea are again re-evaluated”, said Philipp Müller, the President of FDP.

Switzerland, like other western countries, began accepting Eritrean asylum cases in mass in 2005, after UNHCR baptized all Eritrean migrants with the coveted status of "refugees" in its effort to destabilize Eritrea.

Swiss authorities say Eritrean migrants makeup the highest percentage of asylum cases in their country, a result they admit is due to their 2005 policy.

Currently, there are 5721 accepted asylum cases of "Eritreans"*, while another 9515 are waiting to be processed, according to the report.

Switzerland isn't alone in trying to send Eritrean migrants back to their country. Norway has also announced it will consider whether asylum seekers from Eritrea can be sent back too.

Norway also said it plans to return 500 migrants who have broken Norwegian laws to Eritrea, which is pending a return agreement with the Eritrean Government, according to Dr. Nazareth Amlesom Kifle.


_____________

*Eritreans is put into quotation because many if not most of the "Eritreans" claiming asylum in Western countries are Ethiopians, or other African migrants pretending to be Eritreans.

By favoring Eritrean asylum cases over other African migrants, Western countries are deliberately inducing young Eritreans to flee their homeland. In essence, they are telling Eritreans in Eritrea to chose a life in the West where they will be guaranteed with free housing and free state social benefits in a developed country, or chose a life in Eritrea where they face the challenges that come with being in a developing country.

ጠንቂ ግጭት ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን፡ ዝሓለፈ መድረኻትን በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃን (ሳልሳይ ክፋል)