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Ethiopia: A Gathering Political Storm

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Demonstrators cross their wrists during Irreecha, the thanksgiving festival of the Oromo people, in Bishoftu town, Ethiopia, on Oct. 2, 2016. The crossed-wrists gesture has been widely used as a sign of peaceful resistance and is meant to symbolize being handcuffed by security forces. TIKSA NEGERI / Reuters



Beneath the surface, away from the “economic boom,” “peace” and “stability,” there is serious trouble brewing in Ethiopia. The ever-increasing state institutional violence against citizens is bringing people together to challenge the authority and legitimacy of a rejected regime. The 25-year old political system that is rooted in sowing hatred and suspicion between communities is no longer a ‘working’ formula for the regime. From north to south, east to west people are joining hands to end quarter century old authoritarian rule. The ethnic barriers and suspicion that were intentionally planted in the society by the regime are having the reverse effect by uniting citizens across four corners of the country.

This unity and joining of forces is rapidly changing in form and structure becoming a powerful and dynamic force capable of bringing about long awaited political change. The ongoing popular discontent against the repressive regime is gaining momentum and maturing in consciousness, form, tactics and strategies. Shaken by these prevailing realities as a threat to its grip on power, the regime has introduced two self-preserving measures over the last few months. The first one is the declaration of the “state of emergency” intended to pacify the popular uprising and secondly call for “negotation” with opposition parties. Both these measures, however, are having the reverse impact. The declared “state of emergency” is transforming the non-violent rebellion into a clandestine armed resisitance while the call fror “negotiation” is having zero impact in resolving the long standing politicl crisis.

In the north of the country, there is a fast-developing dynamic that could have a significant impact over the political and security future of the country. At the same time in the west, east and southwest of the country, new and powerful forces of resistance are emerging. In response to the brutality of forces loyal to the regime, many are changing approaches and preferring more a clandestine resistance.

The regime’s strategy of “ethicizing politics in this country no longer works in favour of the regime,” said a political science educator who spoke under the condition of anonymity. Another civil servant described the political situation in Ethiopia as “an explosive situation that could sweep the country with an unpredictable outcome.”

The “constitution” as a tool to intimidate and terrorize citizens

In a democracy, the promulgation of a constitution is a function of the citizens. Simply because the people exercise sovereignty, they decide what rules and principles they want government to follow. Furthermore, a portion of any constitution in a democracy is delegated by citizens to the legislature, hence allowing it to participate in the process of amending the constitution. Under the current authoritarian regime in Ethiopia, the construction of constitution is based on the will and design of a small minority group. Thus, it is used to intimidate and terrorize citizens instead of being a living document that safeguards citizens’ rights. The regime’s usage of the “constitution” as an instrument of oppressing and brutalizing citizens devalues the very value of a constitution. The defence of a constitution that protects and safeguards citizens’ rights is the duty of the people. On the other hand, a constitution whose purpose is to serve as tool of operation will ultimately be replaced with a new constitution that is crafted with full participation of the people.

Smoke and mirrors or genuine political negotiation

There is a new propaganda and public relations buzz word in Addis Ababa these days and the word is “dialogue.” In its organic and authentic form, political dialogue is a very valuable and irreplaceable approach to establishing genuine political discourse and sustainable peace. Unfortunately, the record of the regime shows manipulation of dialogue and using it as a propaganda forum to create a smoke screen for consumption of donor nations and a gullible few. On January 16, 2017, the Head of the Office of the regime declared his government’s “readiness for dialogue and consultation with political parties.” Genuine political dialogue cannot be conducted from a hegemonic position where a group is dictating the general terms and process of the dialogue. Most importantly, any political dialogue and negotiation must first identify the political, social and economic challenges facing the country.

In the current environment, the regime’s web of political and economic corruption has reached a point where the regime doesn’t have the moral authority to govern the country let alone to sit at a table and negotiate the future direction of the country. The inherent source of the problem in Ethiopia is the regime itself and to think otherwise is a failure of imagination and deficiency of insight to observe, understand and see what is in front of us.

The regime in Addis Ababa has manipulated certain groups as political pawns to advance it is own objectives. Sadly, there are some opportunistic groups who are readily available to be used for such a gimmick. Negotiation with manufactured political pawns can only further deepen the country’s political crisis. Genuine negotiation takes place with those who have critically opposing views, not with the “Yes” men. Genuine negotiation is to discuss and explore common ground for coming to an agreement. Negotiation in its true sense voices a conciliatory tone so that a compromise may be reached and each negotiating party may obtain a certain degree of satisfaction. In true negotiation, the parties do not feel ridiculed, coerced or manipulated. They express their respective needs freely to build understanding, and they feel respected. On the other hand, to manipulate is to seek to control the other by using fear or by making them feel guilty to convince them of something and surrender their vision and integrity.

Genuine political dialogue could only take place if the regime gets out of its obsessive-compulsive power impulses, stop framing and defining other political groups and look inwards for the problems the country is facing instead of outwards. One cannot be a genuine negotiator while imposing its views. The true meaning of negotiation is to listen, validate and accept the views and positions of others even if it means surrendering the helm of power. The regime’s primary objective of negotiation is to consolidate its grip on power. Prior to starting any political dialogue or negotiation in Ethiopia, the regime must release all political prisoners, journalists, and human rights activists. Secondly, the regime must share the public media with all opposition political parties, lift the state of emergency and dissolve the so called “command post” which put the country under military rule.

As the saying goes “Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me.” The regime must stop playing tricks with manufactured political pawns and quit being an impediment to the country’s political, economic and social progress. Building a free, inclusive and democratic Ethiopia will requires not politically calculated negotiation with political pawns, but a genuine and whole hearted willingness to sit and conduct genuine transition of power with all political groups.

Intervention by H.E. Ambassador Araia Desta

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Intervention by H.E. Ambassador Araia Desta,
Head of Delegation on the ‘Report of the Peace and Security Council on its Activities and the State of Peace and Security in Africa’
at the 28th Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union

31 January 2017, Addis Ababa

Mr. Chairman,

Allow me, at the outset, to convey to you and this august Assembly the warm greetings of your brother H.E. Mr. Isaias Afwerki, President of the State of Eritrea.

I also wish to join previous speakers in extending my Delegation’s gratitude to H.E. Dr. Ernest Bai Koroma, President of Sierra Leone/Current Chairperson of the Peace and Security Council, and H.E. Ambassador Smail Chergui, Commissioner for Peace and Security of the AUC for presenting the Report.

My Delegation is cognizant of the magnitude of the peace and security challenges facing our continent as well as the ambitious but achievable vision of creating an integrated, peaceful, and prosperous Africa.

Mr. Chairman,

I wish to intervene on a few issues contained in the Report.

As reflected in the Report, sadly the scourge of terrorism continues to wreak havoc in our continent. While there are several underlying causes to the phenomena, the recent proliferation of terrorism in Africa came in the wake of regime-change exercises by external powers resulting in State failures. This behooves us to cooperate for the restoration of the Statehood of the affected countries, and resist the recurrence of such destructive interventions.

The need for strengthening cooperation and enhancing the capabilities of States and relevant regional and international organizations to combat terrorism cannot be overemphasized. It is also imperative to get rid of unjustified restrictions imposed on some States that could undermine their capabilities to fight the scourge.

In this regard, it is worth noting the recommendations of the 11th Meeting of the Focal Point Representatives of the African Centre for the Study and Research on Terrorism (ACSRT), that was held in Algiers from 14-16 December 2016. The meeting expressed concern “[o]n the matter of sanctions debilitating the efforts of some AU Member States to fight terrorism [and] recommended that the AUC initiate discussions with the relevant UN and International bodies to review the situation in the light of the escalation of Terrorism and Violent Extremism situations globally.” My Delegation calls upon the AUC to work for the implementation of this recommendation.

Mr. Chairman,

The Report alludes to the cooperation provided by the AUC to member states for delimitation and demarcation exercises. My delegation appreciates this endeavor and wishes to emphasize that it is equally important to enforce the Peace Agreements as well as delimitation and demarcation Decisions that the African Union has committed to guarantee. Failure to do so will continue to deny our Peoples the opportunity for peaceful coexistence and cooperation.

The goal of ‘Silencing the Guns in Africa by 2020’ necessitates, inter alia, addressing the root causes of violent conflicts, peaceful resolution of disputes and enforcement of arbitration decisions. This in turn requires the reinvigoration of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), and most importantly the PSC. In this vein, my Delegation strongly supports the reform proposals included in the report of the H.E. President Paul Kagame and adopted by the Assembly.

Mr. Chairman,

In conclusion, I wish to use this opportunity to reaffirm Eritrea’s commitment to contribute its share for the promotion of peace and security and cooperation in the Horn of Africa and Red Sea Region, and across the African continent.

Thank you!

Source: Shabait

Is a Better Relationship with Eritrea Possible?

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By Seth Kaplan | TheCipherBrief

The U.S. and Eritrea do not have strong bilateral relations. Ever since UN sanctions were imposed in 2009 and again in 2013, doing business in Eritrea, let alone having strong diplomatic ties, has become more difficult. Yet this country in the heart of the Horn of Africa could be key to fighting extremist terrorism in the region. The Cipher Brief spoke with Seth Kaplan, a lecturer in African Studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and author of a recent Atlantic Council report on Eritrea, about the current political leadership and economy in Eritrea – and the potential for U.S.-Eritrea relations under the Trump administration.

The Cipher Brief: In your recent report, Eritrea’s Economy: Ideology and Opportunity, you discuss Eritrea’s socialist nationalist ideology that has caused it to pursue stable, rather than dynamic, economic policies. How is this affecting the country’s development?

Seth Kaplan: It’s really important to understand that ideology affects every country, it affects the United States, it affects every country in terms of how problems are framed, how institutions work, how policy choices are made. This is not unique to Eritrea. What makes Eritrea unique is that the ideology that affects the top leadership puts it in a category of countries like Cuba, even though Eritrea would never think of itself as communist, it certainly fits more with the China or Vietnam model, the more communist or socialist countries.

I would call Eritrea a socialist nationalist regime. That means that it’s very focused on building up the state but in a certain socialist way. This ideology makes it somewhat not interested in private enterprise, at least not on a large scale. There’s more small-scale private enterprise in Eritrea certainly than there is in Cuba or there was in the European Eastern Bloc before 1989, or China before its reform era. But the government is in control of important sectors.

Even the mining sector, where it’s managed very well and has outside partners, the government wants to be a major player in terms of making decisions and investment and ownership and so, therefore, it’s very much a state-centric economy. It reminds me of Hungary in the 1980s, which allowed small-scale retail but the other large-scale industry was controlled by the state. Although the Eritreans may be open to some investment by outsiders, by private companies, and countries such as China, they much prefer domestic to foreign and they much prefer that the state play a dominant role, or at least an important role, in what they consider highly important sectors. This ideology influences policy.

To the extent that they are more anti-outsiders or they feel they have been mistreated by the West or the international community, the difference I would say between Eritrea and countries with a somewhat similar ideology that have taken a different path – like Cuba, which has this ideology but has taken a pretty closed approach, very risk-adverse, very state-centric – is that Eritrea is more open in many ways than Cuba, let’s say. It’s easier to leave, it’s easier to start a small business, in many ways it’s certainly much more open than Cuba, despite the controls on the Internet.

There’s a group of countries that are somewhat similar to Eritrea that are also built on socialist nationalist ideas but that are engaged with the world, in a confident manner, and determined to take the best of globalization and trade and investment to advance what I would say are relatively similar goals. I would say Rwanda and Ethiopia have some similarities with Eritrea. China and Vietnam have some similarities. Eritrea is close to Cuba. The extreme version of a socialist nationalist ideology would be North Korea, which of course is not open to almost anything.

TCB: Two follow up questions: You mentioned the mining sector as being highly valued by the country; what other sectors are very important to the country’s economy and the second question, what’s the flow of foreign direct investment? So who are the biggest external investors in Eritrea?

SK: The second question is easy – there’s very little foreign investment in Eritrea right now. The mining sector is by far the most important sector. Identifying sectors that would be good for Eritrea to open up is probably the easiest thing to do in my whole report: mining, the ports, tourism, manufacturing, and so on. These are things you could know without visiting the country or doing any research. Having said that, the mining sector – simply because the country has got very good natural resources, like copper, gold, etc. – is big investment, hundreds of millions of dollars, that returns big money. If you look at Eritrea’s exports, foreign currency reserves, current account surplus/deficit, everything changed dramatically once the Bisha Mine opened in 2011. Before that, the country was basically broke, and now the country is not doing great, but it has more resources.

Before talk of the sanctions began there were more investments. But when you discuss foreign investment, you have to be careful because foreign investment could be many different things. It could be multinationals or companies that are like big multinationals – I would put all the mining companies in that area. You could also have smaller companies from the region that might be interested in Eritrea. And then you have the diaspora. The three types of investors operate differently. I have a business background, I worked in multinationals, so I understand the differences. Right now, the only sector that is of great interest to outsiders is the mining sector – unless you have a mine, the country is so unattractive to invest in and the risks are so high why would anyone make this effort? The mining sector is an exception, and if you’re a Chinese or Indian or Russian or maybe from those types of countries, you might not care so much about the sanctions, you might not be worried about being sued. But certainly for the Western multinationals, the mining sector is the only thing that would interest them, and even then, the risk-reward is not easy because of all these other factors.

Just to end this, I would say before the talk of sanctions began I don’t know if there was a lot of foreign investment, but there was probably a lot of diaspora investment and regional investment – these are smaller companies. Certainly the investment rate was not bad. But with the sanctions, the numbers plummeted. So I do believe the sanctions have really reduced the attractiveness of any of these other sectors.

I would also add the government has not made a very proactive effort in any of these other areas. Look at the ports. When Italy ran the ports they were incredibly important. Look at Djibouti and how important their ports are. Somaliland’s ports have some potential. Eritrea has done very little to exploit its ports, which would be very important.

Tourism would also be very important to Eritrea, maybe small scale, I don’t think the country would open for large numbers of people, again because of the ideology.

So those are a few attractive sectors where the country could be doing more, but they don’t seem to have the interest. So I would say they’re shooting themselves in the foot. Plus, the sanctions make everything difficult.

With regards to the biggest external investors, you have the Canadian company which operates the Bisha Mine that’s the most prominent, and then you have Chinese companies that are the second most prominent.

TCB: Can you give a very quick overview of the status of U.S.-Eritrea relations right now, and do you think that there’s any potential for that to change over the next four years with the incoming Trump administration?

SK: First of all, it’s very hard to know what the new administration will do on many things. You can probably predict some things. But the Horn of Africa, I don’t think we’ve had any comments on that.

Now the fact that fighting terrorism, fighting Islamic terrorist groups, might turn out to be by far the most important goal for the new administration, you would think that Eritrea would be not a highly prioritized but still important partner, given its geopolitical location and its importance as a stable country in the Horn of Africa. If our primary goal in that part of the world is simply to reduce the threat from terrorism and to defang as much as possible terrorist groups and possibly, to the extent that it’s possible, to end the conflict in Yemen, certainly we would want better relations with Eritrea.

So assuming that those are priorities, you would think that there might be more of an open mind to having a better relationship with Eritrea and if the sanctions were reduced, that would mean that there would be greater chance for outside investors to do something in that country.

We’ve lifted sanctions on Sudan, and if we’ve lifted sanctions on Sudan, I cannot see why we would not want to have a better relationship with Eritrea. Having said that, Eritrea has sort of been made everybody’s worst example of human rights, even though I don’t actually see why it’s so much worse than other countries in its region (e.g., Sudan).

But assuming the Trump administration would have that one goal, and therefore relations with Eritrea were improved and sanctions were reduced, and therefore we had a better relationship and exchange of ambassadors, I would say the opportunity for investment would increase.

Having said that, the next step would be that Eritrea would certainly have to be more open and more eager, and that involves some policy changes on their end. The port would be a very good place to start.

TCB: The last thing I want to touch upon is migration from Eritrea to Europe. What are the underlying reasons for this migration – is it mostly economic?

SK: Well it’s a combination of politics and economics, and what percent is politics and what percent is economics no one can really answer. I think the parallel with Cuba is again a good parallel. Why do people leave Cuba to come to the United States? Well, there are political reasons and there are economic reasons. Politically, you might not like the degree of freedom in Cuba, you may not like the options for jobs, you might have to work in some government agency and have very little freedom to make choices for yourself. But there’s also the economic component, that is Cuba is poor, compared to the United States, where there’s more opportunity, more wealth. So what percent of that is political and what percent of that is economic, I think it’s very hard to figure out.

Eritrea, I think, is a combination as well. The country is poor, the salaries are low, the opportunities are limited, and there’s a lot of diaspora that have done very well. These could be conceived as economic reasons to migrate.

In Eritrea, we know the national service is a big problem – you don’t know how long you’ll be on national service and you know the amount of money you’re getting paid is very little. That’s a very good political reason to leave Eritrea. We also know that there are no elections and the media is controlled. That’s also a very good reason to leave Eritrea.

A big carrot is that like the Cuba policy, where, until recently, if you got to American soil by land you got your U.S. passport eventually, with Eritrea the policy has been in Europe for many years that if you got to Europe, you got immediate refugee status.

So it’s really a combination of political and economic factors, with the added benefit of the free asylum status from Europe.

TCB: Do you know if Europe has reconsidered the automatic refugee status for Eritreans, especially with the influx of refugees over the past couple of years and all of these deals that the European Union has been trying to make with African countries to send migrants back?

SK: Of course the refugee crisis in Europe was not driven by Eritreans, it was driven by Syria. But once that crisis hit, every country began trying to do everything it could to eliminate reasons for people to come to it. So for about two years, there has been an attempt to reconsider migrant rules and processes. I could not tell you how far along they are. But I know a number of countries are involved in the process of rethinking their policies. I would guess eventually most of the Europeans will find a way to change the rules, or you could say limit the scope of the rules. That means, they’ll still provide something but in a much harder or less attractive manner, because if you’ve spent any time in Europe in the last 12 to 18 months, you certainly know the refugee thing is a political bomb that every politician wants to somehow solve.

African Union wants member states to pull out of ICC

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African Heads of State at the start of the 28th African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on January 30, 2017. PHOTO | ZACHARIAS ABUBEKER | AFP

By Aggrey Mutambo | Nation.ke

The African Union (AU) wants its member states to pull out of the International Criminal Court (ICC).

This is a message to the international community to stop "harassing" Africans, the AU said.

The decision was arrived at in a closed session of the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on Tuesday.

However, Nigeria, Senegal, Ivory Coast, Mali, Burkina Faso, Tanzania, Tunisia, Cape Verde, Botswana and Chad want to remain members of the court.

The summit adopted a withdrawal strategy which had been circulated to members beforehand but was overshadowed by Monday’s elections of AU Commission leaders.

The document says: “A growing number of African stakeholders have begun to see patterns of only pursuing African cases being reflective of selectivity and inequality”.

Member states also agreed to press for a reformed United Nations Security Council. African countries have no permanent representation in the council. The council can refer cases to the court, yet it is not a UN court.

The document is the brainchild of a ministerial committee formed after the African Union summit in Johannesburg in 2015.

At the time, South Africa had rejected an ICC order to arrest Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir wanted by the ICC for war crimes in Darfur.

South Africa has since notified the UN of its intention to withdraw from the ICC.

The committee is made up of foreign ministers of Kenya, Ethiopia, Chad, Burundi, Eritrea, South Sudan, Kenya, Libya, Sudan, Madagascar, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Senegal.

Kenya is one of the fiercest critics of the court and had proposed that it should be complimentary to domestic or regional judicial courts.

During the Addis summit, Kenya focused on campaigning for Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Amina Mohamed for AU Commission chairperson. She lost to Faki Mahamat of Chad, which supports the court.

National Assembly Majority Leader Aden Duale admitted the loss may have had something to do with Ms Mohamed’s criticism of the ICC. But he said Kenya will not stop pushing for reforms.

President Isaias: TPLF in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) wing of the hospital; SOE no more than an Aspirin

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Eritrea’s local media conducted a two-day interview with President Isaias Afwerki on domestic and eternal issues.


President Isaias: TPLF in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) wing of the hospital; SOE no more than an Aspirin

By Bereket Kidane

President Isaias Afewerki in his January 2017 interview with local journalists broadcast live on Eri-TV said that TPLF, re-baptized EPRDF to divide Ethiopia along ethnic lines and subjugate it, has ended up in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) wing of the hospital and that the State of Emergency (SOE) declared to put down the organic insurgency was no more than a temporary pain relief medication or an Aspirin because it doesn’t deal with the root cause of the disease or ailment.

President Isaias discussed how panic-stricken, nervous Western governments that had been playing the role of enablers to TPLF were reduced to biting their nails and helplessly watching in horror while using the word “tsunami” in diplomatic circles to describe the ethnic uprising of 2016 that swept Ethiopia like wildfire and shook TPLF to its core.

President Isaias recalled how in 1994 he was one of the first people to see the newly crafted Ethiopian constitution, designed to divide-and-conquer the Ethiopian State along ethnic lines, and how the very first thing that came to his mind was that the document read like a blueprint to disintegrate the Ethiopian State along ethnic and tribal lines. President Isaias at the time registered his strong objection to the division of the Ethiopian polity along ethnic lines because he was convinced it would only balkanize the Ethiopian State over time but was told by the TPLF leadership, “You have your own world to deal with, let us deal with our own reality.” President Isaias recalled how he was told by the TPLF leadership point blank that the only way the TPLF can control Ethiopia was if it divides it along ethnic lines.

Speaking of the Horn of Africa policies pursued by Western nations over the last 25 years, President Isaias said that even though Eritrea has suffered a lot due to its refusal to play along with the Western design on the region, the biggest casualties were borne by the Ethiopian people because the long-term damage done to the harmony and peaceful co-existence of the Ethiopian people as a result of the divide-and-conquer policies TPLF pursued (fully supported by the West) over the last two-and-half decades is incalculable. As an example, he cited the open hostility and extreme hatred directed at Tigrayans in regions such as Amhara, Oromo, Afar and Somali. Tigrayans, for all intents and purposes, have become persona non grata in several kilils.

Regarding Eritrea’s participation in the Saudi-led anti-terrorism coalition, President Isaias said that it has been Eritrea’s wish for a long time now to see the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries assume a greater role in addressing terrorism and instability in our immediate region. Eritrea had been asking Saudi Arabia to play an expanded role in the region but her pleas were not met with action until the ascent of King Salman to the throne. King Salman’s strategic outlook on the region is very much aligned with Eritrea’s. A common understanding has been reached between Saudi Arabia and Eritrea on issues related to economics, security and diplomacy.

President Isaias compared the ethnic minority apartheid regime to a patient in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) wing of the hospital. A better analogy perhaps may have been to a terminal cancer patient in a hospice and palliative care. It may take a few more months, but a priest will be called in to administer TPLF’s last rites.

“Eritrea Has to Make Our Help Unnecessary”

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By Mela Ghebremedhin

-Dedication, passion and compassion are words among many others which can describe Dr. Traudl Elsholz, a woman with a strong vision of what development means and what teamwork means in achieving successful results. These are the values that Dr. Traudl shared with her students, colleagues and friends while working in Eritrea for the last 6 years at the College of Health Science and local hospitals. As her farewell approached, it was a must for Eritrea Profile to hear her story. Here is a snapshot of our conversation.

– can you tell us a little about yourself?

I am from Germany, from a modest family and as a teenager I was very much involved in the 68 movement in Europe. I used to go to different protests such as against the Vietnam War, showing my support to liberation movements and also went to some protests organized by Eritreans in Germany during the independence struggle.

I wanted to study medicine at first, but in Germany, studying medicine was expensive and very selective. Thus, I decided to firstly go for orthoptists and, later on, going into ophthalmologic. Well, I started working as an aid-nurse on night shift while studying during the day, I was immersed in the world of emergency and ICU and I realized how I was interested in intensive care and anesthesia. So, the work I was involved in during my studies is what drove me towards this field of intensive care medicine and anesthesiology which became my specialty.

-Working in Africa…

I have always been interested on working in the African continent, so as soon as I could, I went to South Africa and worked at a hospital in a so-called ‘homeland’, a black township in 1993 until 1995. It was just before the election, so it was a very interesting period. I went briefly back to Germany and then I decided to work in France and I passed a French exam allowing me to work for governmental hospitals in emergency medicine, ICU and anesthesiology.

From 1998 to 2004, I went back to the African soil and worked in Uganda where I was part of a team in building up programs at the University of Science and Technology in Burara. I did postgraduate trainings for doctors and anesthesiologists as well as a course in anesthetics assistants and officers. I was also opening an ICU there. Again back to my old post in France, in the meantime, I became a lecturer for the WFSA, which is the World Federation of Societies of Anesthesiologists (WFSA) and we did short courses on trauma management and how you build up an ICU amongst others. Its first National Congress took place in 2004 in Asmara.

-First steps in Asmara…

I was invited to give lectures at the congress with two other colleagues and during my time I met the late Saleh Meki, Minister of Health. He gave me a very good impression on the country. It’s at that time that I noticed how anesthetists were motivated and eager to learn more.

Later on, there was a pilot project to send two people from CIM, a German governmental institution on migration and development for two years to Eritrea to see if they can help with anesthesia and with ICU. It was a two years contract and I came with a colleague, Anja Schneider, an ICU nurse and myself as an anesthesiologist. We started working together with the newly graduated in anesthesia, we had a department with few masters and we made more emphasis on the practical side. The students were heavy headed but missed the practical side.

In those two years, we met with Martin Zimmerman (Head of ERA Germany), and there was a longstanding project since 1993 in health which started with Eritrean Relief Association in Germany by Prof. Dr. Spilker, he was inspired by Eritrean diaspora to come here and help, they had a memorandum of understanding with the Ministry of Health. Then again, Prof. G. Geldner took over in 2008 where he started helping with the Master of Sciences program in anesthesiology.

In 2010, I came back and we started that program with Martin Zimmerman and Prof. G. Geldner, the project ended after two years and I was supported by ERA to this day. Martin managed to raise funds through the Eritrea Health Association – EHD and with the support of a group called “Ilse Kröner-Fresenius Stiftung”.

-Your department…

My department was created within the College of Health Science here in Asmara. All colleagues were nice, cooperative and welcoming and the same applied with the Ministry of Health and colleagues from other hospitals. We don’t lose the context with the practice. So we have a half day at the hospital and the other half at the school. We also started an MSc program in anesthesia as well as ICU and nursing. These are very important courses for the country.

We trained according to the needs the Ministry of Health. We have a whole range of people aged between 24 and 58, as for those who were doing anesthesia during the war with little training and they did it and they are now enrolled in training to upgrade their knowledge. Besides, we have bachelor program in anesthesia, we are now in the 9th batch, and by now we have 87 bachelor graduates in anesthesia. When I came they were about 25 anesthetists in the country on diploma basis and about 12 expatriates mainly from Uganda, Sierra Leone and Rwanda. Therefore I think that the number 87 isn’t bad.

-Why Eritrea?

I was curious to see the country from what I heard about the history of it. I was pleased not just by the country but mainly the people when I first came in 2004. They were very motivated and keen to learn. You know when you are a teacher and you see students asking you to give more, to challenges you, that’s fun and inspires you tremendously. I was encouraged by the students. I actually had four farewell parties from the master graduates, the current students, colleagues and the college. I just love them.

When I got offered the job to install the department, I just couldn’t hesitate for a second and left my job on unpaid leave from my hospital in France to come here. I was actually supposed to stay here for two years but you see, here I am after 6 years and 3 months.

-How is Eritrea compared to other places…?

I think definitely Eritrea is the safest country of all the places I worked in. Speaking in terms of motivation of students and dedication, I am 100% sure that Eritreans are the ones. As a teacher it is rewarding to see students stimulus and the hunger to learn. In terms of development of the health system, of course South Africa is better off and in Uganda, only Kampala but outside of the capital, nothing compared to the case of Eritrea.

I think its developing slowly but constantly, if you look at the MDGs, Eritrea is one of the only country to achieve those in maternal health and child mortality. But I have to say the first time I came, I didn’t have a good impression on the situation of the health and specifically on anesthesiology in Eritrea. There was some standards which were not met, but I can see that over the years, in terms of anesthesiology, things have improved. I hope that my graduates will be the drivers of progress and I believe that anesthesia in Eritrea has become safer and more human.

-I heard that you are not only teaching…

People called me at night when they have critical cases at the hospital. It was very challenging. Some cases we lost, some we saved. I remember one young girl who was on a ventilator for more than three weeks, in deep shock and everyone gave up on her but we didn’t, we struggled for her. She then recovered and is now living, working in Asmara and she is completely healthy!

I have been working at different hospitals in ICU, maternity, and the main hospitals of Orota, Halibet, and Sembel. My contract is a 40 hours a week one but I never worked 40 hours my whole life. Between teaching at the School and working at hospitals.

-The ‘Hear-Says’ from colleagues in Europe…

They say “Are you crazy?” they have a complete wrong perception on Eritrea. Some even think that there are radical Muslims, that it is so dangerous. Even when we bring visiting lecturers, the first question in mind is: “Is it safe to go?” But honestly, if you compare it with Nairobi or Juba, well there is no hesitation and even now, if you asked me to walk at night in Frankfurt or Asmara, I definitely choose Asmara.

-Health as a human rights…

Back in Germany, I wasn’t happy about the hierarchy within the medical sector. For me medicine is a teamwork and if you think that you can do it alone it won’t work. You need the cleaner, the aid nurse, the doctor all working into one team. This is medicine to me and I didn’t want to live in this type of hierarchy where a doctor will think of himself superior than others.

The so-called developing countries should be at the same medical level as the developed ones in terms of health care, and instead there is a gap of about 30 years and its shouldn’t be this way. For me health is a human rights. Human rights is for everybody and not just for developed countries. So I am driven by a mixture of curiosity, willing to help and learning from other cultures and my passion to teaching.

-Lessons learned from your experience in Eritrea…

My students are actually the role models, they are hardworking and smart. They are very motivated, what can you ask more? And they are very attached to their country. Many of them went for short courses to Germany and they came back. If they wouldn’t, I wouldn’t take them there if I didn’t believe in them in the first place.

Actually, what motivates my students is the possibility that they have to learn more and to enroll themselves in PhD Programs. They believe in the development of the country. These are the things that keep you here. I never met any of my students or colleagues who said “I don’t want to live here”. They are all attached to Eritrea but of course, inspiring them is imperative.

It’s important that Eritrea becomes self-sufficient and make ourselves not necessary. There are enough Eritreans who can do the job and we have many of them who already are teaching.

Of course I can come here as an anesthesiologist, do my job, make as many surgeries as possible and then go back. Of course, I will save lives but what stays in the country? So it’s better to do half of the patients and train people at the same time. I believe that we have people who can do the teaching and there are enough anesthetists now. So it’s not that sad that I am leaving as they can do it on their own.

-Last words…

I thank the Eritreans for their friendliness, their welcoming, their cooperation, Prof. Tadesse Mehari from Higher Education, my students who motivated me most. Prof. Ghirmai and Prof. Berhane, all for the cooperation and friendliness that made me feel comfortable here and made me stay. And I am glad to witness the progress.

-Thank you for Today’s interview and for inspiring others!

You are most welcome.

Eritrea and Double Standards - A Historical Perspective

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On June 21, 2016 more than 10,000 Eritreans and friends of Eritrea demonstrated in Geneva against the UNjust sanctions and COI report on Eritrea. (Credit: Eritrea In-Pictures)


Eritrea and Double Standards - A Historical Perspective

Simon Weldemichael
Adi Keih College of arts and social sciences

Double standards have become a regular and widely used feature of international political affairs, and the international system is known for its differing treatment of countries and individuals. There exist no standard, impartial rules for all, and genuine cooperation and partnership have gone astray. Instead, domination, confrontation and exploitation have assumed a central role. Although the international system has passed through multipolar, bipolar and unipolar power arrangements, double standards have remained a constant.

The double standards characterizing the international system can best be illustrated by the case of Eritrea. After World War 2, when the international community began talks to decide the future of the Italian colonies, Eritrea received its first lesson in double standards. While Libya and Somalia were granted independence, the case of Eritrea fell under the cloud of double standards. The then US Ambassador to the UN, John Foster Dulles, sought to explain the double standard by stating,

“From the point of justice, the opinion of the Eritrean people must receive consideration. Nevertheless, the strategic interest of the United States in the red sea basin and considerations of security and world peace make it necessary that the country [Eritrea] has to be linked with our ally, Ethiopia.”

The UK position in the debate to decide on the future of Eritrea buttressed Dulles’ statement,
“In the case of Eritrea, there was a third consideration besides the welfare of the inhabitants and the stability of the region … [we] thought that Ethiopia was entitled compensation (Gebreab 122).

By way of double standard, Eritrea was presented to Ethiopia covered by the linen of federation. The international community was essentially complicit in the 40 years of death and demolition of the Eritrean people. If the names of all the victims could be written on the road, and if all the kinds of atrocities committed over the people of Eritrea were listed alongside, the distance they would stretch would be far beyond that which an eye can see. Veteran fighter and mother Zeyneb Yassin, speaking to the author and journalist Roy Pateman during the struggle,

“You have seen our country. Now you know why we want to be free. The Ethiopians came, they bombed our villages, they slaughtered our cattle and buried our children. Everything is burning now. Even the stones are burning” (Pateman 179).

Double standards would follow Eritrea, even after independence. Shortly after Eritrea won independence in 1991, Ethiopia waged a full-scale war on its former colonial possession with the aim of regime change. When the Ethiopian adventure was exhausted in the face of Eritrean resistance, a peace agreement was reached in 2000, with the AU, EU, UN, USA and Algeria as facilitators and guarantors of the agreement. A quick delineation and demarcation of the border was among the most important components of the agreement.

The boundary commission presented its verdict on 13 April 2002. However, Ethiopia raised a seemingly endless list of demands for clarification and modification before finally rejecting the “final and binding decision” of the commission. Remarkably, the guarantors of the agreement, instead of taking appropriate measures against the violating party, preferred to remain silent. Notably, the biased approach of US encourages Ethiopia violation of international law and tacitly supports Ethiopia’s aggression and occupation of large swathes of Eritrean territory.

The international community’s indecisiveness to implement the court verdict is an additional confirmation that the world often overlooks true justice. The Algiers Agreement of 2000 is disrespected by Ethiopia because of impunity. The two year war (1998-2000) and the subsequent “no war, no peace” situation waged heavy costs for both sides. However, in the face of extreme political, economic and military pressures, Eritrea, has continued to seek sovereignty, development, peace, and progress.

The double standard in the international community’s treatment of Ethiopia and Eritrea parallels numerous international cases. For example, acts of aggression by Iraq and Ethiopia over Kuwait and Eritrea respectively have no distinction at all. However, while the US employed force to scold Iraq, it tacitly has supported Ethiopia. The rationale? As noted in a recent article exploring the West’s misguided approach to the Horn of Africa, US and Western support for Ethiopia is,

“part of a policy approach based upon the misguided belief, dating back to the immediate post-World War 2 period but rearticulated more recently in terms of regional “anchor states” designations, that Ethiopia is vital to protecting U.S. and Western geostrategic interests and foreign policy aims” (Amahazion 3).

The US has constantly accused Eritrea of human rights violations and obstructed any kind of aid or investment that Eritrea can receive to combat poverty and underdevelopment. Contrary to the “no democracy, no aid” rhetoric, the US has worked closely with dictators who massacre their and with states funding terrorism.

It is true that the US has played a dominant role in the development of foundational international human right instruments and that it urges nations to embrace international human rights standards. On the other hand, however, the United States systematically declines to apply international human rights law in its domestic and foreign practices. In his famous book, Turning the Tide – US Intervention in Central America and the Struggle for Peace, Chomsky mentions John Humphrey’s description of the US in 1830, which describes it as a, “bloated, swaggering libertine…with one hand whipping a Negro tied to a liberty pole, and with another dashing an emaciated Indian to the ground” (Chomsky 3).

As for Eritrea, the unlawful castigation of 1950s made for international peace and security was now effectively remedied by human rights and other unsubstantiated allegations. After WW2, the US has regularly used human rights as an instrument to plague and torment small countries that refuse to sell their independence. During a joint hearing on US policy toward Equatorial Guinea and Ethiopia, Mr. Delahunt stated that “by backing thugs against the aspiration of common people, we erode our most precious national asset, our standing in the world as a moral leader, the bulwark of democracy and human rights” (Delahunt 2007: 3). He goes on to state that“If our moral currency is not as sound as the dollar, we will be hampered in our ability to build alliances and conduct an effective foreign policy that safeguards our interests” (Delahunt 2007: 4).

Another area where double standard manifests itself clearly is the case of migration. When western countries seek to close their doors to migrants, a special call was issued for Eritreans to leave their country (particularly through quick asylum processes). In fact, President Obama stated publicly that "We are partnering with groups that help women and children escape…" The objective was nothing but to help Eritreans but to capitulate and surrender the country.

Additionally, the UN, increasingly recognized as a tool of the US, has continued to punish Eritrea on the basis of false allegations. Since 2009, Eritrea has been burdened by international sanctions, even though the case has lacked even a shred of evidence. Furthermore, for over a decade, the US has diverted international attention away from the disturbing role of Ethiopia in the region.

Today, the calls to lift the unjust and illegal sanctions against Eritrea have become louder and more persistent, and they reverberate around all corners of the world. In the face of the long list of double standards against Eritrea, the country dares to pursue true independence, promote self-reliant development, and ensure social justice. Eritrea will never be moved by political manipulation. Eritrea laid its foundation deep and on the rock, and it will not easily be shaken by the torrent of hostilities.

A Look Back at the Battle of Massawa – Eritrea’s Silver Jubilee Anniversary Series

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Derg troops surrendering to EPLF fighters in Massawa


By Bereket Kidane

After the fall of Afabet, Moscow was effectively finished with Ethiopia. The Soviet Union’s military establishment started withdrawing its advisers and stopped its shipments to Ethiopia. To keep the free flow of arms and its addiction to modern battlefield weapons going, the Ethiopian government started trading Falashas, Ethiopian Jews, for Israeli cluster bombs that would later be used to bomb residents of the port city of Massawa.

Eritreans were familiar with the plethora of bombs used by Ethiopian air force, including the banned napalm because Ethiopia’s air force had been bombing Eritrea to smithereens for 30 years. The banned napalm bombs were used by the Ethiopian air force extensively on civilians and tegadeltis. Eritreans were very familiar with the napalm bombs because they stick to the skin, cause severe burns and create large amounts of carbon monoxide to asphyxiate you. If water boils at 100 degrees Celsius, napalm generates temperatures of 800 to 1,200 degrees Celsius. But the Israeli Cluster bombs were a new kind of bomb.

The cluster bombs were particularly devastating to Eritrean civilians because they released small bomblets upon explosion to disperse over a wide area and shred the crowded streets.

When, in February 1990, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) captured Massawa in a daring land and sea operation, the colonial Ethiopian government responded with relentless bombing of the port city, dropping cluster bombs to punish residents of Massawa.

The EPLF had once before come very close to liberating the port city of Massawa in 1977 and was on the verge of victory, but its offensive failed to reach the heavily fortified naval base and the two islands around it, in part because it coincided with the arrival of the added firepower of Soviet arms in Eritrea with Soviet advisors taking a direct combat role. Soviet technicians operated the rocket launchers and long-range artillery while Soviet battleships offshore bombarded EPLF positions. The 1977 failed offensive on Massawa was the last major battle against the American-backed colonial Ethiopian Army of Haile Selassie and the first confrontation with the new Soviet-built colonial army of Mengistu Hailemariam.

It would take about a decade for the EPLF to completely break the Soviet rock into pieces by taking a chisel to it.

The 1990 Battle of Massawa began on February 8th at 1:00 A.M in a land and sea operation. This time the EPLF came with dozens of tanks, Stalin Organs (BMs), shoulder-fired missiles, and much heavy artillery, all of it captured from the enemy. The EPLF offensive, a.k.a Operation Fenkil, was launched on three fronts against the colonial Ethiopian Army: The She’eb Front to cut-off the Asmara-Massawa Road at Gahtelay, Mai Atal and Dogol Front to destroy the colonial Ethiopian Army stationed along the route to Massawa, and the Woqiro Front for the mechanized brigade to link-up with the EPLF Navy operating a flotilla of speedboats and move along the coast to Massawa. By 6:00 A.M the offensive on the She’eb Front had succeeded spectacularly. The EPLF completely destroyed the 6th division of the colonial Ethiopian Army and took over its command and control center while tegadelti troops raced with each other to control the Asmara-Massawa road. The offensive continued on the two other fronts into the second and third days to route the enemy out of its strongholds in Massawa. It was a fierce tank battle.

Unlike in 1977, Massawa’s mainland neighborhood of Salina, the narrow causeway of Segalet that connects the mainland neighborhood of Edaga to Tualet, the naval base and the islands around it were captured by the EPLF. The battle went quickly and decisively in favor of the EPLF this time, but the aftermath was brutal. The Ethiopian air force bombed Massawa, the Pearl of the Red Sea, for ten straight days using cluster bombs, killing and wounding hundreds of civilians.

The fall of Massawa cut-off the Asmara-Massawa road making Asmara accessible only by air, which made it expensive for the colonial Ethiopian Army to supply its ground forces in the highlands of Eritrea. Weeks later, the EPLF swept south and took Senafe, Adi Qayeh and Segeneiti, pushing to within a striking distance of Dekemhare.

Nearly 8,000 troops of the colonial Ethiopian Army along with its highest ranking army generals and naval commanders surrendered to the EPLF in the Battle of Massawa. The Battle of Massawa was mostly a tank and anti-tank battle. Three of the EPLF tanks to reach Massawa Harbor during Operation Fenkil are now memorialized on Tualet Island. Be sure to visit the Tank Memorial in Tualet if you are in Massawa.

If you are planning on visiting Eritrea this month for the Silver Jubilee Anniversary celebrations and rub shoulders with Independence Week revelers in Asmara, be sure to make the trip down to Massawa and spend at least a half-a-day at Gurgusum Beach. Take your beach blankets to Gurgusum and enjoy its wonderful sea-breeze and salty air. Just sit there for a couple of hours on the beach and enjoy listening to the crashing waves of the Red Sea that bring sand and unique shells. Go in the water for a swim. Walk around the sandy beaches of Massawa and imagine what it must have been like for tegadeltis to storm the same beach you’re standing on 26 years ago in a daring land and sea operation. And may be take the sunset ferry to Green Island and lay a wreath somewhere on the water for the fallen heroes of Operation Fenkil that made it all possible.

Zelealemai Zikhri n Swuatna!

Awet n Hafash!


Six Ethiopian air force officers sentenced for allegedly attempting to defect to Eritrea

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By Borkena

Ethiopian court sentenced six detained members of Ethiopian Air force from three to six years of prison terms, reported ESAT. They were accused of alleged attempt to defect to Eritrea to join rebel forces.

According to ESAT report, regime claimed that Lieutenant Masresha Sete, Lt. Biruk Atnaye, Lt. Daniel Girma, Lt. Gezahegn Dires, Tesfaye Eshete and Seifu Girma were caught in Gonder and Bahir Dar three years ago. They were charged for having, according to regime, links to armed opposition and that “the officers were caught in Bahir Dar and Gondar three years ago while heading to Eritrea to join Patriotic Ginbot 7, an armed group operating from Eritrea,” added the report by ESAT. The officers didn’t plead guilty.

It is to be recalled that members of Ethiopian Air force and ground force defected to Eritrea and other African countries on grounds of ethnic based discrimination and repression within the the army. The latest case of defection is from Agazi forces in Somalia under United Nations mission from where sergeant Hailemichael Bewuketu left to a third country.

Data gathered by researchers in the opposition quarter suggests that Tigray People Liberation Front controlled well over 95 percent of key senior military positions in the army. Wide spread protest in Ethiopia made headlines the world over for months last year.

Eritrea: Ring Road project

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Young Hiba Yassin posses for a picture with her collegues



Easing the burden of road traffic in major cities are critical elements in ensuring safety, environment and economic productivity. Indeed, most of major cities in the world suffer from traffic congestion and pollution while being time consuming for commuters. Nairobi, Lagos or Johannesburg are examples of such congestion in Africa. The lack of infrastructure, well-maintained roads combined with mounting population in urban settings are all factors of road congestion. Eritrea isn’t immune of such situation and it is starting to show signs of road traffic issues in its capital city Asmara.

Without doubt, the increasing numbers of cars, taxis and buses taking over the streets of the city cannot be denied. However, with the new development and the booming mining sectors, trucks from the mining companies, heavy machineries and other means of transportation are circulating through the asphalted roads linking Massawa, Asmara to Keren as well as Tesseney. However, “there have been long experiences learned and evaluation taken over the years, the issue isn’t the road but the type of vehicles using it” said, Lt. Col. Engineer Getachew Merhatzion, Head of Mapping and Cartography Center. In fact, the initial construction of these roads were not planned for such heavy circulation and type of vehicles.

In context, one of the key elements to development is transportation and infrastructure and with this in mind, in the early years of independence, the number of asphalted roads increased. In fact, in 1991, only about 4,000km roads were asphalted compared to 14,000km in today’s Eritrea. The Asmara-Massawa road through Fil-Fil Selemuna, Massawa- Assab, Massawa-Gilbub, Barentu- Tesseney, Afabet-Kubkub-Nakfa, Massawa-Erafaile, are some of the largest road construction witnessed over the years. However, over past few years, the circulation from and to Asmara has become quite critical and a challenge that it is of importance to tackle the obstacle at its early stage so as to avoid major road issues in the future.

Thus, with its long term mission, the Government of Eritrea is currently working in a new ring road project surrounding the city of Asmara. The idea is to ease the traffic burden coming into Asmara and especially of heavy vehicles damaging the asphalted roads.

In number, more than thirty trucks from the Bisha Mining Company are circulating each day back and forth between Bisha through Keren towards Massawa passing by Asmara. One can imagine the impediment to the current road while sharing it with commuters and public transport.

Accordingly, after completion of the feasibility studies, the construction of the ring road is under way as in three month ago. At present major parts of the project have been completed. For my development column, it was a must to witness the progress and the future impact it will leave on communities, the economy and the environment. Therefore, a few days ago, I embarked into a fieldtrip to witness the project and also hear from those, whose lives will be impacted as well as those in charge of the project.

In the early morning hours, our guide, Lt. Col. Engineer Getachew, was awaiting at the door of the road by Bet Gergish area where bulldozers, loaders and workers were already actively working in enlarging the road and linking it to the path en route to Durfo.

This newly built road starting from Bet Gergish takes commuters directly towards Adi Nifas and join the road directly towards Keren without putting a step into Asmara. A relieve for the capital city. Thus, Eng. Getachew explained that heavy vehicles won’t pass by the capital any longer but instead join the other road through this ring road. He then showed me aerial view of the project and thanks to the aerial footage and updated data by the Office, the project was easily implemented while ensuring that communities in the surrounding won’t be affected negatively. The 12,5km long road is built at an embankment of 5m height to ensure that the road won’t be affected during the rainy seasons and its enlargement measures 20m. Already 9 converters have been installed within a period of one month.

While continuing the journey, I notice the number of workforces actively engaged. Between the truck drivers, the engineers, the loader drivers without failing to recall the freshly graduates on training and members of the Eritrean Defence Forces all working in unison.

While we stopped to take photos, I noticed that the driver of a heavy loader was a young woman. A good surprise. Obviously I approached her. As the only young woman among her co-workers, Ms. Hiba Yassin, 22 years old, seemed confident and well-trained.

“After Sawa I went to study at the vocational training in Afimbol, then Adi Halo where I learned the theoretical part for 6 months and after which I was assigned into this venture of building a ring road for my initial practical training and in the process become certified. I never thought that it was that easy to drive such a big engine but actually it’s like driving a normal car to me.”

Her confidence and pride was obvious and when I asked about the perception of youth and especially girls within the Eritrean society as well as the family pressure, she stressed:
“The youth, when we don’t know we tend to fear things or seeing it as too difficult, but actually once you learn, you realise that you can achieve lots”.

“I am actually the youngest and I have five brothers and two sisters. We live in Akria, a popular neighbourhood of Asmara. My parents at first didn’t believe that I am driving this big vehicle. They even asked me to show them videos while I was driving. Of course as a girl, many would think it’s just a man job and it is not the place for a woman to be, however, as you can see, I am working equally as my male counterparts and my parents accept it.”

In projects such as the road construction, water dam construction such as Gahtelay, Kerkebet among many other development and infrastructure projects, youth like Hiba are active participants. In fact, after completion of Sawa 12th grade, holders of certificates or diploma are given the opportunities to study in one of the vocational training in several subjects, one of them being within the heavy machinery department. Whilst, many graduates in engineering and related fields from Mai Nefhi’s EIT College take their practical internship in one of the nations on going national development projects or part of companies such as Bisha Mining, Zara Mining or Segen Construction to mention a few.

Moreover, witnessing different generations working hand-in-hand in building the country is rare to witness in today’s world. Nonetheless, the Eritrean reality differs. Ensuring that the people are actors of such development is primordial and consequently creates a sense of ownership. As a matter of fact, the local community living by the ring road is also involved in the project and to show their appreciation to the workers and members of EDF, a gathering was organised on the day of my visit.

The town of Adi Nifas, in the outskirts of Asmara welcomed their guests with traditional beverage and food, Suwa and Injera. Women from the National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW) branch of the town as well as Akria branch came to help on the day for the pleasure of the community.

“The ring road gave us the chance to move easily to Asmara. We feel like we are part of the city now and the direct route through Arbi Rebu gives us easy access to the capital, we no longer feel isolated”, said the governor of the town, Mr. Mesgena.

Finally, it is safer for women and especially pregnant women to travel via this newly built road, and today, we want to recognize the youth working ardently to make this project possible”, Mrs. Saadia Mohammed, Head of NUEW Akria branch.

Surely, the ring road project is one needle in the ongoing development projects undertaken nationwide. Communities, young graduates, experienced professionals, members of EDF working on such project allow all layers of society to create a sense of ownership and be involved directly in the development endeavours of the nation.




Discussion forum hosted on strengthening partnership among development partners of Eritrea

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By Eritrea Embassy Media

On Monday 6 February 2017, , Ms. Christine Umutoni, the UN Resident / Humanitarian Coordinator & UNDP Resident Representative in Eritrea, on a visit to the UK, led a discussion forum hosted by the Embassy of the State of Eritrea to the United Kingdom & Ireland under the theme "Delivering Together for Eritrea’s Development & Self-Reliance".

Ms. Umutoni shared her experiences and observations about working with the people and Government of the state of Eritrea in its development policies.

Mr. Yared Tesfay, Director of Media Affairs, of the Embassy, facilitator for the briefing session said the purpose of the meeting was to strengthen the existing partnership among development partners of Eritrea and following a short introduction, the event was kicked off with a presentation by Ms. Christine Umutoni, who provided insightful presentation on her experience working in Eritrea, in building human capacity, providing education and health care services.

The UN and the Government of the State of Eritrea recently launched the Strategic Partnership Cooperation Framework (SPCF) 2017-2021 which is aligned to the SDGs.

She said that the eight outcomes of the (SPCF) are directly linked to the 17 SDG goals. Further Ms. C. Umutoni noted that the UN SDGs and the African Union agenda 2063 are key international frameworks. that the Government and the people of the State of Eritrea can leverage to achieve their national development aspirations.

Ms. Umutoni said, “Eritrea has shown commendable commitment to its development agenda”, and applauded Eritrea's strategic programs which have improved the lives of many people despite the harsh environmental conditions in the Horn of Africa. She wished to solicit ideas from the Diaspora how best the UN can design a program to support knowledge transfer of Eritrean experts abroad to support national building efforts and fill capacity gaps best.

Towards the end of the presentation the participants were given the opportunity to ask Ms. Christine Umutoni questions, and adequate answers were provided.

Current achievements with regards to the Strategic Partnership Cooperation Frame (SPCF), as well as the policies that the government of Eritrea is taking on the overall diversification for the purposes of sustainability were clearly explained.

Participants expressed extreme satisfaction in the presentation both on content and delivery and found the forum to be enlightening and that it gave an insight into the overall UN-Eritrea partnership in development.

They called for continuous engagement between the UN and Eritrean civil society and non-state actors, including the Diaspora, in the future.

35 representatives from various British Eritrean Community Organizations & Networks, NUEW, PFDJ, YPFDJ, and Information Network were in attendance. The event provided an overview of the achievements and challenges of projects in Eritrea, and the role of the Diaspora as stakeholders in the country’s human capacity development process.

Amongst the participants were academics, educators, practitioners, community leaders.










‘A blurred message that blends humanitarianism with politics’

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Ruqia Aroo, 80, carries her malnourished grandson Khalif Sheikh Adan, 5, near the carcases of her dead herd of cattle near Afder |Reuters


‘A blurred message that blends humanitarianism with politics’

By Amanuel Zekarias

Concerning the world governments and humanitarian agencies response to drought in Ethiopia; UN secretary general Antenio Guterres and UN aid chief Stephen O’Brien in January 29 of 2017 whispered that the international community must ensure ‘total solidarity’ with Ethiopia government as not only a matter of generosity but also of justice and self interest. This was stated at 28th summit of AU in Addis Abeba. The UN secretary general also describes Ethiopia as country of the largest refugee hosting country in Africa, with its open border for any cross boundary transactions. Besides, the head officer also commends Ethiopia as the source of stability in the Horn of Africa and the world community must collaborate in maintaining Ethiopian security for not to be challenged by the surrounding multifaceted chaos sourced from Eritrea, Somalia and South Sudan.

At last, the message of those UN occupants concludes by proposing and by calling the international community to take urgent initiatives to join this global charity move in funding the 2017 Humanitarian Requirement Document which seeks $948 million funds for assisting 5.6 million drought affected people in Ethiopia.

In its humanitarian version, this is a generous message with humanity and touching generosities at its core as a handful portion of the Ethiopian masses have been in destitute situation. This is also a positive move in safeguarding basic human rights and in mobilizing a global risk management strategy. In advance, this action nurtures a culture of humanity, cooperation and interdependence, as on its principles of cultivating a global norm to combat humanitarian challenges. There for, such kind of humanitarian outlooks must be apolitical, non-discriminatory and non-subjective in their content and objective procedures. Despite this fact, what the words of the UN secretary general precisely tell in regard to the Ethiopian famine (despite many questioning its existence and concluding, it is the TPLF tactic of getting external hard currencies and aid matters) is a mere subjective ones with lucid content and blind partisan positioning alongside the genocidal regime. Its subliminal content also concretely informs how the one who portrays those words have ‘a very little knowledge about the ongoing political situation and history’ of Ethiopia and its surrounding environs.

On December 27, 2016, the Ethiopian PM gave pledges that Ethiopia “will register a double digit economic growth in the fiscal year as it is now on the right track of growth, as agriculture, even though challenged by drought, has shown a positive trend of growth.” The 2017 UN Humanitarian Requirements Document report also claims that in 2016 “the Government of Ethiopia allocated more than $735 million to initiate the HRD response and to facilitate a speedy response to additional needs as the situation evolved.” It also reports, due to a good rain that led to good harvest, “the number of people that require humanitarian assistance has significantly decreased in 2017 than in 2016. Then, many critical commentators raise one big question, why does the EPRDF regime still request one billion U.S. dollar amount of money to mitigate famine in the very start of the New Year?

Principally, states always form, join and remain in international organizations because they are perceived as to serve their own national interests. Therefore, they dedicate themselves in making a system of world governance in which interdependence becomes a reality but not an option. This is the core reason that derives the existence of the UN system. In its idealistic objectives, this institution gives a considerable focus to maintain international peace and security. This is thought to be achieved by practicing tolerance and cooperation, developing friendly relations among member states based on the respect of sovereign equality and mutual respect. This inter-state relationship, either friendly or no, always has a prominent focus with non biased, impartial and mediatory UN roles.

In attaining those objectives, the UN office must run by knowledgeable, efficient and responsive individuals whom have the potential for deriving the universalization of morality uncompromisingly and with non partisan positioning. If the UN office oversights the ongoing political situations around the globe, and fails to take timely and relevant actions in due time, the faith that has been placed on the organization as a watchdog for international peace and order and its moral, political or legal responsibility could be evaporated overnight. So it needs to be investigative, responsive, informant and non-judgmental.

Concerning the above UN occupant’s message regarding the Ethiopian famine therefore, as many of its content is at odds with the real facts on the ground; the following questions must need a concrete answer. First, what is there in Ethiopia? Is there drought or famine? Second, grounds for the consideration of Ethiopia as a source of stability in the Horn of Africa need to be defined in evidences? Third, Ethiopia is in amoral responsibility of hosting a large number of refugees. Is that scenically acceptable? In trying to answering these questions, let us assess the following facts, of course, not to refute the considerate humanitarian move but to give a partial image of the ongoing situation on the ground in the country at hand.

First, famine but not drought plays a central role in Ethiopia, history can attest it and the current situation proves it and famine in Ethiopia is always man made. In historical literatures, the words Ethiopia and famine are two sides of the same coin. They have been abundantly represented the moments of Biblical famine, humiliation and disgrace. Historical portrayals of famine stricken period was there during the reigns of emperor Menelik, Hailse Silasie, Derg regime and most profoundly during the EPRDF era.

From 1885-1892, there was an appalling famine in Ethiopia prior to the upcoming of Italians to Eritrea. By 1890, almost 90% of the cattle were dead. This added with the chronic malnourishment, and the destructive invasions of Locusts and Caterpillars, created an extraordinary horrible situation in human’s record as the words of Martini (Italian governor of Eritrea) illustrates on his recorded memos that was written in that period. In explaining the situation, he stated that ;( quoted by Dawit Weldegergis in his book titled; ‘The Red Tears’)

“The dead awaited the hyenas, the living awaited death. From a thicket issued a thin murmur of voices… We are accosted for help, and from their death beds suddenly rises a mob of skeleton whose bones can be seen under the taut skin as in the mummified skeleton of Saint….They try to follow as, they also crying out meskin, meskin…I stumble on young boys, searching in the excrement of camels to find a grain of durra. I flee horrified, hiding my watch chain ashamed of the breakfast I had eaten, of the dinner which is awaited me”

This was a time where Ethoipian parents sold their chidren as slaves to the Arabs than watching them die, Cowhides were ground to powder and baked into cakes, horses, dogs and even the carrion eaters themselves were consumed and Cannibalism broke out. It was a horrific time where there was an appaling stories of mothers devauring their children. Lions, leopards and hynas became so bold and even entered the largest cities to feed from the dying hunger victims lying in the streets.

What historians witness through their historic contrubtion was, the differnece of emperor Menelik from the other Ethiopian rulers. He acted with humanity and generousty, opening private granaries, building shelters, encouraged peasants to use hoe by hand for agriculture instead of depending on their oxes. He himself also went into the fields with a hoe to encourage working habits for the Ethipian masses.

During Haile Silsaie reign, from 1973-1973, Ethiopain was once again struck by famine, which resulted in deadly catastrophe as almost 200,000 people died, the Emperors neglect of the situation to preserve his pride and throne, is a notable cause for such avoidable calamity. Specifically around the Wollo province, denials and contempt were at hand until a British Journalist Jonathan Dimbleby filmed the situation and aired a documentary titled, ‘The unknown famine’ in September 1973. This resulted is an overnight drastic loss of faith on the Emperor, who at that moment had private Lions that ate 18 k.g of meat per day while children had been dying out of destitution. The inevitable happened in 1974, a civil war erupted, which saw the Emperor ousted and overthrown by the Derg juntas.

During the Derg regime also, history repeated itself, Mengistu, the chair man of the military council detached himself from reality, living in his own illusion, as there was no place for famine in his metaphysical world. His infamous reply to one of his ministers on the ongoing dire situation was;

‘Your primary responsibility is to work forward to our political objectives. Don’t let these petty human problems that always exist in transition period consume you. There was famine in Ethiopia for years before we took power- it was the way nature kept the balance…. So let nature takes its toll, just don’t let it out in the open’.( quoted by Dawit Weldegergis)

The famine in 1984 was difficult to be noticed by the outside world, Ethiopia was closed to the international media, its people isolated and starved. This was a period where the Mengistu regime was on the bustle of dismantling the revolutionary movements across Eritrea and in other parts of Ethiopia by diverting two third of its public budgets into the Red Star Campaign. In that moment, the Derg regime was also on the verge of celebrating the 10th annual anniversary of the revolution for self glorification, by budgeting more than 100 million Euros and by importing more than 400,000 Whisky from Britain for the celebration of the moment, while more than 10 million people were in an earnest need of food aid, whom 70% of the total number had perished.

The famine has greatest spot in human’s record as the whole world never organized and responded jointly to combat some humanitarian challenges as such throughout its history till present. Exclusively, for blacks, it was the moment of shame and humiliation, as the members of the ruling elites in Ethiopia lived in an ostantanous life and celebrity, the government at times declared an emergency decree to dispose food beggars from the cites, while thousand died out of hunger.

Moreover, famine also occurred in Ethiopia in 1998, 2008, and most profoundly in 2015. One important thing to discuss here is about Ethiopian resources. Facts prove that, Ethiopia’s resources could nourish five times greater than the current given number of population at hand. Many also wonders at the fact that how in one of the world’s fastest growing economies nearly 20 percent of the population is facing chronic famine, year after year. Then the reason that always throws Ethiopian masses into the narrations of hunger victims is because of the inexistent visionary, popular and effective political figures, who have a dream of emancipating Ethiopian masses from the tells of hunger victims. Most profoundly, rent seeking, chronic corruptions, maladministration, and nepotism are always there as systemic credentials and certainly, Ethiopian politics can be associated with.

Ethiopia’s resources are always hijacked by corrupt, shortsighted and cleptokratic rulers, who fundamentally purse their individual and ethnic objectives ahead of the nationalist ones.

Second, a percept that states Ethiopia has been opening its borders and receiving migrants is not convincing for me. Morally speaking, many, the UN secretary general included, could be convinced and could entail their appreciation in according. But the true fact is, Ethiopia in its task to host refugees has two strategic objectives. First, economically speaking, hosting a large number of refugees has a tremendous profit. The cost coverage for food, water, land for rent, shelter and other medical services for the migrants, are covered by external donors. This, of course, goes to the government. Moreover, the whole job is only reserved to Ethiopian occupants but not the refugees themselves. Thousands of Ethiopian nationals also get entry-visa’s to western countries posing to be refugees.

Furthermore, hosting migrants is also a lucrative business for Ethiopian security institutions, as most of its members engage in illicit activities of smuggling and trafficking refugees.

The government has been busy in forging the number of refugees in the country in the hopes of convincing external donors for maximum cooperatives. European Union for example, donated some 500 million Euros to help Ethiopia create jobs for refugees inside the country. This sends a wrong message, as it implies the union is backing a government that is at war with its own people. Further, this decision also implies how the western countries realistically engage in pulling migrants by trying to make ‘safe heavens’ despite the fact that they could invest the money in their origins.

Politically speaking, Ethiopian government bustle move to host refugees can be seen as a ticket-out-of-jail, as the government has been at war with its own citizens. The EPRDF regime kills, tortures, imprisons, and use Draconian measures for individuals who express his/her free will.

The government’s decision to open its borders to refuges can be seen as a façade to obscure its very own gross human rights violation, deceive its Western donors to believe that the government is on a moral high ground to be a rescuer in the region.

Which leads me to my third point, Ethiopia is by no means a source of stability in the Horn of Africa. This misguided attitude that always put Ethiopia at the epicenter of Horn African stability is not true; the reality on the ground on other hand proves otherwise. Let as assess Ethiopia’s invasion for Somalia in 2006 for example;

Ethiopia’s unilateral intervention in Mogadishu in December 2006, aiming to eliminate the constructed ‘Alshebab’ threat (a name which was less echoed from 2003-2007 and dramatically designated a terrorist organization by the U.S. State Department in 2008) reasonably entrenches the above assumptions. The intervention created a fragile situation in Somalia as the country became a prime example of a ‘failed state’ and leading its people to become the victims of unrelenting humanitarian crises.

Further, Ethiopia’s regional policy also totally contradicts any regional moves of harmonizing regional interests. First, Ethiopia always purses an interventionist strategy for its national objectives and is always in a proper dream of projecting its influences throughout military means. Second, regional organizations such as AU and IGAD are always Ethiopia’s outfits as Somalia and South Sudan peace making process qualifies how these organizations have been entirely used for Ethiopia’s geostrategic interests and subsequently tickets to purse an interventionist polices. Third, Ethiopia is a regional hub for harboring terrorists, opposition groups in regards to destabilizing its surrounding countries.

Suffice it to say, the Algiers Peace Agreement is a final decision by the EEBC in dreaming a lasting peace, stability and security between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Eritrea from the day of the decision fully abides by the EEBC decisions and has been waiting for its enforcement for almost 15 years. Ethiopia denounces the decision and still is in a presence of occupying Eritrea's sovereign territories.

In conclusion, the words of the UN occupants also tell cooperating with the EPRDF’s regime is also a matter of justice and self- interest. Are they aware, they are talking about a government that should be held in contempt for genocides acts, a government that declares a state of emergency to undo democratic oppositions, counterfeit election results, tortures, kills, massacres? And do they really investigate and do they have any clue about the drought situation in Ethiopia? The answer is precisely no, as in the first place; the TPLF regime is weaponizing the famine issue by over-dramatizing the situation and by trying to show Ethiopia as if it is still in the grips of Biblical famine.

This is aimed at receiving hundreds of millions of dollars from external donors as some says, ‘it is a way of profiting and trading on the misery of poor and starving Ethiopian citizens’. At last, the TPLF regime will take the money either to buy wepons or to enrich the ruling class’s pockets. In 2016 for instance, Ethiopia recieves more than 1.7 Billion to respond the El-Nino drought. Certainly, no one knows where this big money goes, either to the victims(surley not as the TPLF still beggs one billion dollar to metigate famine) or to the pockets of the TPLF rulers.

At last, in its conclusion, this article agrees with what prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam recommend in his commentary entitles ‘TrAIDing in Misery: The T-TPLF, its Partners and Famine in Ethiopia’, puts on and stated that; ‘Starve the wealthy TPLF beast feeding on the Ethiopian body politics, and help feed the starving ethiopian people!.”

Fenkil: Endurance and Fortitude Redefined

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History has come to many places, has stayed awhile and, after its departure, has rendered those places famous. In Eritrea’s saga, perhaps no place has taken on greater historic importance than the Northern Red-Sea city of Massawa. There, during three winter days, February 8-11, 1990, the Derg’s fate was decided. When the operation was over, Mengistu’s circle of trust was in disarray, ‘Operation Fenkil’ would forever hold a place in the minds of all Eritreans.Beginning on February 8, 1990 the EPLF forces began the offensive by cutting off the critical supply route from the Asmara garrison. The surprise attack stunned the Ethiopian military and by the following afternoon the EPLF forces were in the suburbs of Massawa. On the third day of the offensive, February 11, 1990, the Eritrean forces captured the Ethiopian naval base near the town. The only remaining portion of the city to rid of Ethiopian troops were the islands.

To achieve this the Eritrean forces used their nascent naval forces (mostly small gunboats) to attack from the sea during an artillery barrage. Using this artillery fire the Eritrean armor moved onto the causeways that connected the islands with the mainland. The first of these tanks was destroyed by the Ethiopian garrison; however, they were eventually overcome by the EPLF. After this defeat the remainder of the Ethiopian forces retreated to Ghinda. This battle was what is known as a major occurrence in Ethiopia.

Even after the loss of Massawa, the Ethiopians continued their aerial bombardment of the city. The civilian population was hardest hit as the EPLF forces had followed the Ethiopian troops to Ghinda. Notable of this bombardment was the use of napalm and cluster bombs.

The Ghindae front which extended from Ghindae to Adi Roso and Northern Red-Sea, baptized with names like ‘Enda Bumba”, “Feres sege”, “Gahayat”, “Enda Kewhi”, “Enda Harestay”, “Enda Misayl”, “Shndwa” e.t.c signified the struggle’s relentless march towards independence. The front withheld non-stop heavy military offence from the enemy from February 1990 up to May 1991. This front was used as a final frontier to completely destroy the enemy and ensure the inevitable cometh of independence.

What made this operation a victory against all odds was the mismatch between the two forces. On one hand, you had the best trained and the largest army in Africa, which was well-equipped with all types of weapons bought at the expense of a starving people. The famine of Wollo (of biblical dimension) did not deter the enemy from arming its soldiers to the teeth to fight a long and bloody war. On the other side, you had Eritrean freedom fighters,-few but tactical and resistant to the point of flirtatious stubbornness.

Operation Fenkil took a good 59 hours to complete. In what was done in systematic dismantling and infiltration of enemy lines, saw the strong combination of ground troops, naval troops and mechanized people’s front which resulted in the surrender of 20,000 Derg Military soldiers, the destruction of a 2/3 of a modernly equipped Derg Military and the Liberation of Massawa and Ghindae.

The Freedom fighters resilience in the operation was an ability approaching God-like – they strode to the port with courage, determination knowing independence was right around the corner. It was a time to no longer look back but to push forward; sovereignty was within touching distance and boy, did they push and push. The enemy did not know what hit them- their tanks were dismantled, and their ships sunk under the non-stop attack of Eritrea’s heroes. To the tegadelti(freedom fighters), assaults meant the sacrifice of lives. If they had to assail the enemy, it should be done when success seemed assured, and the resultant victory was worth the cost.

I do believe that what the Ethiopian army learned at various battles fought against the Eritrean freedom fighters was that, the tegadelti could manifest superhuman endurance if they wanted. I have seen many pictures of Fenkil Operation when the freedom fighters poured their sweat to preserve their blood-sturdy youth carrying heavy logs up along the narrow roads of Sigalet Ketan in a place where the temperature runs up to 50 degrees at times.

The enemy moved accompanied by tanks, Stalin organs, Migs and bags of lies and propaganda.

The Kitaw was supposed to punish the freedom fighters for their insolence, the Nebelbal was supposed to consume with a blazing fire those who resisted; the Tewerwari was the panzer division or a deployment force. Alas, all disappeared in the hands of Sahel trained wonders, along with their bizarre names and funny ideas.

Resistance was the only Eritrean weapon that the enemy dreaded. What is the use of napalm and ten-barreled mortars if the one you are tackling knows how to resist. It is the resistance of the scorpion which after an atomic blast in its surrounding continues to crawl stinging right and left.

Endurance, self-sacrifice and fortitude are commodities that are out of stock in this decadent world, but our tegadelti were made out of these traits. They proved it when they relentlessly defended Nakfa and Sahel. And in the battle to win Massawa, they redefined the art of war and made it their own creation.

A lot has been said about the endurance and fortitude of the Eritrean army in front of a superior firepower and huge army, aided and supported first by the Russians, then the Cubans and lastly by the Yemenis.

The enemy coming from more verdant and guest-friendly terrain thought it was fighting on two fronts: the people and the land.

The Ethiopian soldiers wore boots, ate canned food, had helicopters to take them to the nearest hospital or clinic when wounded, drank beer and had sweetheart (at the point of a gun) in every village or town under their control.

The freedom fighters wore thong sandals, ate weddi aker (sorghum mixed with weevils), mostly walked into the nearest FSU (Front Surgical Unit) on foot, drank contaminated water and eschewed all kinds of frivolities and easy life.

It was simply a bitter pill to swallow for the Derg soldiers that they would never henceforth defeat the Eritrean freedom forces. “What do they have that we don’t have?” Shouted Mengistu. But nobody dared tell him that those boys and girls over there had endurance and fortitude in large quantity, something that he couldn’t obtain by traveling to the Soviet Union or East Germany. Massawa proved once and for all that independence was inevitable.When the Derg came to power in Ethiopia, 

Massawa and most part of Eritrea saw the harshest of colonial mistreatment. During those period two important events can be recalled, First Offence of Salina to liberate the port of Massawa in 1977 and the successful 1990 Operation Fenkil. Today the port witness’s monuments built to remember the two important and historical dates. Each year, in the month of February, Massawa takes center stage in the heart of Eritrea as it commemorates the successful Operation of Fenkil. As such, this year also the event to honor the operation of Fenkil was opened yesterday evening, as the official celebratory ceremony will be held today in the late afternoon hours.

[Video] Eritrean-Canadian nominated for Juno Best World Music Album

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By: Torstar News Service

The taxi driver who picked up a Toronto Star reporter after the 2017 Juno Award nominees were announced Tuesday was in a particularly good mood, and for good reason: He had just walked out of Toronto’s Rebel nightclub after learning his musical group was among the Juno contenders, and had been interviewed by that same reporter on the red carpet minutes earlier.

Daniel Nebiat, a 44-year-old musician originally from Eritrea, is one of nine members who make up the Okavango African Orchestra, which was nominated for the World Music Album of the Year. He plays the krar, a six-stringed instrument from Eritrea and Ethiopia, sings in his native Tigrigna and, for the past three years, has been a driver for Toronto’s Co-op cabs.

For him, Tuesday started like any other shift.

“I woke up at 3 o’clock in the morning, I started driving at 4 o’clock,” Nebiat said. But then “they told me to come (to the nominations ceremony) . . . so I came there, parked my car and went in.”

About an hour later, still clad in his usual driver getup — a black cap, and a zip-up hoodie on top of a grey T-shirt — Nebiat was walking the red carpet at Rebel with fellow orchestra mate Tichaona Maredza, newly minted Juno nominees posing for flashing cameras and giving interviews to media.

“This is my first Juno nomination, that’s why you saw me there looking confused,” Nebiat confessed about two hours after the event. “I didn’t know what to do because I’ve never been in a situation like that.”

But the sudden fame didn’t faze him. Instead of taking the rest of the day off to celebrate after the festivities wrapped up, Nebiat immediately walked back to his car and got back to work, driving up to the front of Rebel where event attendees were still trickling out.

The first person who happened to reach his cab was a rather weary Star reporter who’d been waiting for a taxi to get back to the newsroom.

“How’s your day going?” she asked as she got in.

“It’s going amazing,” he responded, grinning ear to ear as he turned around. “I just got nominated for a Juno.”

Nebiat, who grew up in the Eritrean capital of Asmara, said he’s been singing since he was a child, taking part in an Eritrean tradition of going door to door as part of New Year’s celebrations and singing for neighbours in exchange for small gifts or money. When he was 11, he used the money he’d earned from singing to buy his first krar.

His mother did not approve.

“I don’t want it to sound like a cliché, but family doesn’t want you to be a musician and my mom was not happy” about the krar, Nebiat recalled. “She got rid of it, she broke it.”

The cycle — Nebiat would buy a krar, his mother would break it, he’d go sing to earn more money to buy another one — would continue until he was about 16, when his mother, who ran a café, asked him to help with the business.

“She didn’t have nobody to help her in the restaurant, so she asked me to work there,” Nebiat said. “I said, ‘OK, if you let me play my music, I’ll help you,’ so she stopped breaking my instruments.”

Nebiat said his mother has since become his biggest fan.

After immigrating to Toronto in 1996, Nebiat continued playing the krar and singing, performing at weddings, community functions and concerts while occasionally supplementing his income with a courier or delivery gig, but said he decided to take up driving a taxi after getting married and starting a family three years ago.

“I have kids now, so life is a little bit more complicated than when you are single. . . . So to support my kids and my family, I have to do taxi,” he said.

He got involved in the Okavango African Orchestra around the same time after being approached by Nadine McNulty, the artistic director for the Batuki Music Society, which is dedicated to promoting and advancing African arts and culture in Canada. The orchestra, which takes its name from the Okavango Delta basin in Botswana, now consists of nine members from seven African countries who play 12 instruments and sing in 10 languages.

Although he said he’s still processing the orchestra’s nomination, Nebiat said one of the biggest parts for him is that, as far as he knows, he’s the first Eritrean-Canadian to be part of a Juno-nominated group. (A spokesperson for the Juno awards said the organization does not collect birthplace information from submitters.)

“I’m just happy to represent my culture, my background, my music and everything that I’ve been working for since I came here,” Nebiat said.

“One of the songs I did on this CD is ‘Yohanna.’ It means congratulations to my country, so by being nominated for the Junos, I can say yohanna to my Eritrean community in Toronto. I feel great, I feel amazing.”

Nebiat then got back in his cab to pick up more passengers, continuing until his shift ended at 4:30 p.m.



Eritrean Names: From the Biblical to the Absurd

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Unlike Europeans, personal names mean a lot to Eritreans both Christians and Moslems. In this article I will dwell on the names of Tigrinya speakers.

You ask a European what his or her name is and after being told, you ask again for the meaning. 

“What do you want it to mean, it is just Williams,” wonders the European.

Then you tell him that your name Gebreyessus means: the servant of Jesus, or Abdellah which means servant of Allah or again Abdelkadir meaning the servant of the Almighty. And if you are a woman, your name Abrehet means: she gave light, or Tihira which means pure, or Kidsti meaning: holy or sacred. And Woleterufael which means: the daughter of Rafael.

You see, some Eritrean names are not necessarily nouns but verbs and adjectives, and the longest name among Christian Eritreans is GebreEgzihabiher which means: servant of the lord. Some Eritreans terrorized by its length shorten it to Gebrezgi or even Gebre or Gerie. I have even seen some writing it as GebreXavier which alters its original meaning and make it to mean Servant of St.Xavier.

Once an Eritrean economic refugee in Italy found a job with a Sigonra. He swallowed all the humiliation from the Signora like a Greek stoic, but when one day the Signora tired of calling him GebreEgzihabiher asked if she could simply call him Gherie, he inevitably blew his top:

“Per niente! Questo non cambiero mai! (Never! I will never change this) you call me either GebreEgzihabiher or I quit!” shouted the degraded servant.

“Va bene, va bene,” whined the Signora. But unable to continue with this game of tongue twister every morning for three solid months, she fired him in the end. Give me my proper name or give me death, sighed Gherie. For our poor little fellow, his exotic name was his pride.

But what’s in a name? A lot and more. Take for example Hitler. They say his real name was Schicklgruber. Then just imagine saluting the fuehrer with Heil Schichlgruber! And the goose marching Nazi soldier would break step.

If Vladmir Ilich Ulyanov hadn’t changed his name to Lenin in time, we would have Marxism-Ulyanovism Leninism. The latter sounds better, although at present most people wouldn’t careless. I think that is why Mr. Trotsky failed. Trotskyism is very hard to pronounce. Again most people couldn’t care less.

In case you have many Tigrigya names to study, the prefixes of Tesfa Gebre, Lette, Habite, Wolde, Haile, Tekle mean: hope, servant, daughter, possession, son, power and tree respectively (refer to Musa Aron’s Tigrigya and Tigre names published in tigrigyan in 1994).

When Sarah gave birth to her first child rather belatedly (at the age of 90), she thought it was funny and gave the name Yishak to her offspring meaning: laughter or something like that.

In the same line an Eritrean mother who gives birth in time of abundance would more often than not name her child Tsigab which means just that. Such practice of naming one’s child according to the times and events including the chances and fortunes of life was so common in the past that at times, the name offended its bearers at maturity, and many a child suffered in school as a result.

Back in the day most names were from the bible and they sounded good and those who bear them were proud of them when the teacher called the roll and their names popped up like: Samuel, Jacob, Jonathan. Others were semi-biblical like Tesfayesus or traditional like Abrehet. Then suddenly the teacher would call out and say “Godefa” (which means more or less garbage) and you heard chuckles making rounds in the classroom and girls giggling, and the victim hated his parents for what they had done to him.

But his parents were not wrong to call him ‘garbage’. Many of Godefa’s brothers and sisters had died before him. So the parents said to themselves; enough is enough, let us outsmart God by naming our child Godefa and the Angel of Death will simply pass him by.

It seems to me that the idea is to erase the child’s name from the heavenly register so that when the roll is called by the Death Committee, the name Godefa which is not ‘heavenly’ will not be in the list.

Once I asked a friend of mine who went by the name Abraha:

“Why is it that your grandmother sometimes calls you WoldeGebriel?” 

“That’s my church name,” he replied. “

What does that mean? I asked again 

He went on to explain that he had two names, worldly and heavenly. When he dies and rises up again to wait for the last judgment, the angles will call him only by his church name to tell him to proceed towards the Pearly Gates. Abraha means nothing for them. It is only if the verdict is negative that the demons will use the worldly name Abraha and politely show him the door to hell.

But I have a rather strange explanation. In ancient Semitic tradition, the name of none was to be taken in vain. It was kept sacred and most of the time hidden from those who might use it to cast a spell on you. The occult science numerology is not dead yet. So the best way to keep one’s soul safe is to keep your real name secret. Only your priest knows it and he uses it to communicate with heaven on you behalf.

Your real name can also be used when conducting exorcism. Now, if the demon were to enter the name of Abraha with the result that he needs exorcism to drive out the intruder, the exorcist uses the name WoldeGerbriel and not Abraha in the healing process.

Nowadays, Eritreans are going for the seemingly more fashionable names like Yodit, Suzy etc. The old traditional names such as Gebray, Milite, Tirhas, Asmerom etc are out of circulation among the new generation to be replaced by Hebron,

“What is your name young lady?” 

“Sifora”

 “What on earth does that mean? 

She doesn’t know it. To many it sounds like a name for a cleaning product. But it is from the bible and is the name of a bird. Her parents couldn’t care less as long as it sounds modern.

“What did you say was your name?” 

“Rekem.” 

“Whatever that means?” 

“I don’t know, ask my father.” 

So I ask his father and get a strange reply: 

“Rekem is a descendant of Judah through Herzon’s son Caleb…”

 Right! Strange isn’t it? What happened to Efrem or N’ftalem?

 This one tops everything. 

Once in an airport, there were some problems in flight schedule and only very few were allowed to board the plane. The airline officer took the passengers list and began to read aloud the names of those who were lucky to fly:

“Kibret Araya!” 
“Yes” and she would board the plane laughing all the way. 

“H a t s e….Hashte…… Haptesh……er……shit!” the officer blood began to seethe in his veins. 

“That’s Hatshepsut,” shouted the father of the girl with the strange name.

“Can’t you give your children simple and down-to-earth names? What is going on with this goddamn generation? Shouted the officer. Hatshepsut was an Egyptian queen who lived 4000 years ago. The father named his daughter after this queen because the later sent an expedition to the southern tip of Eritrea in search of incense and myrrh. The poor girl was about to miss the plane because of the Egyptian queen.

During the armed struggle for independence the names were Sahel, Salina, Semhar (important places) and after independence Awet, Kisanet, Selam, etc (victory, tranquility and peach, etc).

And then you have the absurd, the Beckhams’, Ronaldos’, Russells’, Bethanys’, and the list goes on and on, no meaning what so ever. Heritage along with common sense goes straight out of the window. Before you know it, you end up having family members with names straight out of hollywoods “Brady Banch.”

Do Eritreans have family names? Yes and no. We have family names in the sense to identify kinship belonging, but the whole notion of family name ends right there. 



Somaliland Approves Naval, Air Base Deal with UAE

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A ship docks at the port in Berbera, Somaliland, May 17, 2015.

By Abdulaziz Osman | VOA

The parliament of the break-away republic of Somaliland has overwhelming approved a deal to allow the United Arab Emirates to establish an air and naval base in the port town of Berbera.

Somaliland President Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo presented the motion on Sunday to a joint session by both houses of the parliament, saying “it will attract investments, and it will not bring any harm to Somaliland or the region.”

A number of lawmakers angrily opposed the motion and shouted against the president before they were removed form parliament. The motion then passed with the support of 144 out of 151 lawmakers.

If signed, the deal gives the UAE a strong military foothold in the Horn of Africa.

The UAE had already secured a military base in the port of Assab in Eritrea. Observers say UAE plans to have a long-term military bases to monitor naval traffics in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.

Somaliland’s Aviation Minister Farhan Adan Haybe said the deal is valid for 25 years, and after it expires the Somaliland government will “own the military base and all the investments made by UAE.”

“The base is on a lease, it can’t be used any other nation except the UAE and can’t be sub-leased,” the minister said.

In return the UAE has agreed to implement in Somaliland various development projects, including modernizing highways.

The deal follows a $442-million agreement with a Dubai-based Company (DP World) to upgrade the port of Berbera. The deal signed in September will transform Berbera port into a major Red Sea shipping stop.

The UAE government is among various countries assisting Somalia’s regional administrations in their fight against al-Shabab militants.

Somaliland declared its independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991, but no country has so far recognized its independence bid.

Ethiopia to spend $1.8 million in 2017 for lobbying

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Girma Birru Ethiopian Ambassador to the U.S.


By Nazret

Ethiopia has hired SGR LLC Government Relations and Lobbying firm to lobby on behalf of the Ethiopian government to U.S. policy makers, congress, the media and business leaders.

According to the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) database seen by nazret.com, Ethiopian government will pay $150,000 per month for the said service. The agreement was signed last month by Ethiopian Ambassador to the U.S., Girma Biru (Signed as Girma Geda) and Greg Lowman, a partner at the lobbying firm. Scroll down to see the document below.

The agreement signed says “SGR will work with the client to develop and execute a public affairs plan to enhance the dialogue and relationships with policymakers, media, opinion leaders and business leaders”. It is not clear if this includes paying for ‘opinion leaders’ to write favorable commentaries in major newspapers in the United States.

Ethiopia is not new to lobbying the U.S. government, according to Newsweek, it wrote in 2010 that Ethiopia’s lobbying had helped to defuse charges that the government has turned increasingly authoritarian. In a memo sent to congressional offices, DLA Piper, which represented Ethiopia then, argued, “The terms ‘political prisoners’ and ‘prisoners of conscience’ are undefined and mischaracterize the situation in Ethiopia,” and should be removed from a bill that condemned the Ethiopian regime for detaining opposition activists.

[Video] Danakali 2017 Colluli project update

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Danakali Limited has released a new video on its world class potash project in Eritrea.


About Colluli Project


By Danakali Limited

The Colluli deposit is located in the Danakil region of Eritrea, East Africa. Colluli is approximately 177km south-east of the capital (350km by road), Asmara and 180km from the port of Massawa (230km by road), which is Eritrea’s key import/export facility.

The project is a joint venture between ENAMCO and Danakali with each having 50% ownership of the joint venture company, the Colluli Mining Share Company (CMSC). CMSC is responsible for the development of the Project.

The Danakil region is an emerging potash province and one of the largest unexploited potash basins globally. To date, over 6Bt of potassium bearing salts suitable for the production of potash fertilisers have been identified in the region and the potash potential has attracted a number of major international potash producers, including both Yara International and ICL.

The Colluli resource is located approximately 75km from the Red Sea coast, and mineralisation commences at just 16m below surface, making it one of the most accessible potash deposits globally.

Shallow mineralisation makes the resource amenable to open cut mining: a proven, high productivity mining method. Open cut mining provides higher resource recoveries relative to underground and solution mining methods, is generally safer, and can be more easily expanded.

The Colluli resource comprises three potassium bearing salts in solid form: sylvinite, carnallitite and kainitite. These salts are suitable for high yield, low energy production of SOP, which is a high quality potash fertiliser carrying a price premium over the more common MOP. Potassium sulphate has limited production centres around the world and is suitable for application to fruits, vegetables, coffee plants and other chloride intolerant crops.

The salt composition in the Danakil region also provides the ability to produce a suite of potash products that not only includes potassium sulphate, but also potassium magnesium sulphate and potassium chloride. Such potash product diversification cannot be achieved by any other region in the world.

Eritrea: Public Awareness for a Refined Legal System

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Penal and Civil Codes of Eritrea



If law is going to have a real power to govern, it should never be static. It has to be updated in a timely fashion, commensurate with the developmental stages of society. Until recently, Eritrea has been using the Ethiopian codes that were codified in the 1960s, which collectively comprised the “transitional code”. But today’s Eritrea is not the same as the 1960s’ Eritrea.

Therefore, Eritrea has proclaimed new codes which reflect its way of life and norms. The new codes give the Eritrean people a sense of ownership of their legal system. They have also taken stock of the customary laws, which were equitable and comprehensive but prevented from evolving and modernizing due to colonial rule. The drafting process of these laws took several years, and required by profound research and examination of relevant customary laws and universally recognized legal principles and norms.

The exercise only involved professional legal experts and extensive consultations with all relevant stakeholders in the country.

This article will focus on the penal code to demonstrate some of the reforms introduced, the penal code deals with issues of crime and detention and governs actions that influence the interest of the state. Under the previous transitional penal code, there were some positive stipulations but the sentencing procedures were uncertain. This is because of a huge sentencing gap. For example, according to Article 630, whenever someone commits the crime of theft, the punishment does not exceed five years. So someone who is accused of theft could be sentenced for one year and someone else who has committed the same kind of crime might be sentenced to up 5 years.

Another example comes from Article 27/522 of the transitional penal code regarding homicide. The transitional penal code states that punishment ranges from five years to life imprisonment. So if there are two criminals accused of attempted homicide, one of them could be sentenced to 15 years and another one could be sentenced to 6 years. Their year of imprisonment is at the mercy of the judge who decides their case. Though the word of law is supposed to have the greatest power in deciding cases, the inconsistencies and large sentencing gap in the transitional code resulted in injustices. The new code addresses these issues and has come up with clear sentencing procedures, narrowing the gap of punishment to 3 years.

According to Article 328(1) (g) of the new penal code, theft of property of an amount exceeding 5 million Nakfa is punishable by not less than 10 years and not more than 13 years of imprisoment. In this case, the judge start by stating that the maximum years of punishment and then consider mitigating circumstances that allow for his punishment to be reduced to 10 years. Conversely, if he has an aggravating circumstance, his punishment can be raised by 3 years only. Regardless of how many aggravating circumstances he has, the maximum punishment the judge can impose 13 years. Therefore, a narrow sentencing gap doesn’t put the criminal under the mercy of the judge , promotes greater rule of law, and plays a critical role in fostering human rights and development in the country.

It is important to note that in this process, customary law provided a useful reference point. There was a long debate among the legal professionals who were working on the reform to identify the laws of other countries which most resemble Eritrea’s way of life. But it was such a surprise to find a detailed list of crimes with their specific and detailed punishment in Eritrea’s own customary law. For example, as per article 538(2) of the transitional penal code of Eritrea, cases of maiming the body or loss of one of the essential limbs or organs are punishable according to the circumstances and gravity of the case, with rigorous imprisonment not exceeding 10 years or simple imprisonment of not less than one year. So the difference between the loss of one tooth versus 3 teeth is not clearly stipulated.

However, according to the customary law of Dembezan, the loss of each tooth incurs 30 fergi (Nakfa) fine, which means that the loss of three teeth incurs 90 fergi. There are also different punishments depending on the kind of weapon used in the offence, type of injury sustained, and circumstances under which the offence was committed.

It is easy to assume that customary law is backward and underdeveloped. But the examples cited demonstrate how farsighted our ancestors were, despite their lack of formal, modern education. It also demonstrates that the customary law was superior to some parts of the transitional penal code of Eritrea and provided critical guidance on reform.

It must also be understood that highly developed laws are useless if those laws are not respected by people.as the people are the main stake holders served by the law they should know what the law says about each aspect of their life. Thus, it is critical for the Eritrean people to feel a sense of ownership of these laws such that they are obedient to the law.

Therefore, the Ministry of Justice is investing great effort in public participation and awareness campaigns to introduce the new codes before they come into effect. Regular discussions have already begun in this newspaper and there are also plans for the new laws to be broadcasted through radio and TV. All in all, a lot of effort has been made by the Ministry of Justice for the general awareness of the people about the laws.

Eritrea is working to bring the people and the law together.The hope is that the aforementioned measures will not only help guarantee peace and security but also improve the lives of all the people. In the near future, we expect to see a more prosperous Eritrea by advancing the people’s struggle for justice and human rights through efforts to update the legal code of the nation.

Eritrea's Priceless Shades of Past

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1-million-year-old skull found in Eritrea, missing link between Homo erectus & modern humans New replica at National Museum in Eritrea (Credit: Dr. Simon Tesfamariam)



Tsegai Medin Cultural Heritage is an expression of the ways of living developed by a community and passed on from generation to generation, including customs, practices, places, objects, artistic expressions and values. Cultural Heritage is often expressed as either Intangible or Tangible Cultural Heritage (ICOMOS, 2002). 

Eritrea`s ancient history is markedly very complex and this could be due to geo-strategic location a wide variety of landscape and favorable habitat within the Horn of Africa. Having more than 1200 kilometers long coastal territory in the Red Sea, the country topography is represented by the low-lands arid and semi-arid areas, highlands escarpments with a fertile land and favorable environment. This part of the Horn of Africa has been a magnet to life millions of years ago. For example, the land of the present day Eritrea attracted large mammals from the Arabian land about 27 million years ago. This time-frame represents a portion of African mammal evolutionary history, which is substantially unknown to science. 

Twenty million years later, the Eritrean Danakil (as part of the extended African Rift valley), became home to our humanrelated ancestors. This geological time-frame is indispensable to our understanding of human evolution in Africa. The Land of Eritrea has a striking importance in understanding the evolution of African ecosystems during the Pliocene and Pleistocene, that is, 6-7 million years ago. The evidence of this is known from the Engel Ela - Ramud Basin in the Danakil Depression of Eritrea, a place which is less than 500 km far from where Lucy, an almost complete fossil evidence of Australopithecus afarensis, was found 40 years ago. 

In Eritrea, the first ever evidence related to our direct ancestors is coming from the sites of Buia in the Northern Red Sea Zone, 31 km far from the Gulf of Zula. The sedimentary deposits that preserve the fossil specimens of our human ancestors and the large mammalian fauna are dated to around 1.0 million years. Amongst these the most prominent localities include: Maebele, Dioli, Aalad, AaladAmo, Mulhuli-Amo…etc. These are the most prominent localities with the evidence of well preserved fossils of humans and other large mammals. However, the discovery of the complete human skull (~1.0 million years old) from Aalad (also called Homosite) was an exceptional scientific breakthrough. To date, evidence of a complete skull of Homo between 1.4 million years to 650,000 years is scarce in Africa. This unique fossil finding from Buia filled the gap between Homo erectus (1.4 Ma) and Homo heidelbergensis (0.65 Ma). About 1.0 million to 200, 000 years the Danakil part of Eritrea was populated by our ancestors and large animals, and by about 125, 000 years they adapted to the coastal and maritime environment of the Red Sea. Our ancestors lived in this region of our land millions of years back and their evidence is well documented on the continental and coastal landscapes of the extended Danakil depression.

The subsequent historic event is roughly represented by the evidence of rock art. Rock arts are human-made markings placed on natural stone and reflect humanity’s cultural, cognitive, and artistic beginnings. It further shows the emergence of symbolic behavior of humans before the advent of writing. Evidence of rock art is well documented across the country and amongst these, the most prominent sites include: AdiAlewti, Iyago, Karibosa, Saro, Mai-ainei, Quarura. The Eritrean rocks are generally represented by figures of animals (zoomorphic), human (anthropomorphic) and geometric styles and represent various levels of social information, like resistance, agriculture, art… etc.

Thereafter, ancient history of Eritrea is represented by different dynamisms of historic events. These include the emergence of complex agro-pastoral societies and also the urban civilizations on the highlands and lowlands of Eritrea. Eritrea is also the birthplace of ancient and socio-culturally highly diversified civilizations in the region. The Medieval Period is among the most intricate slices of our historic records. This period encompasses the introduction and foundation of the leading religions in our region Christianity entered Eritrea around 4th and Islam 7th century.

The recent history of Eritrea is primarily linked to the unprecedented struggle for liberation, preceded by desolate and successive colonial times. This represents the dark and centuries- long colonial rules and their colossal impact. The gallant Eritrean people opposed the dominance and successive colonial oppressions. This is labeled as our Recent History, a history bounded in hardship, resistance and solidarity throughout time.

Eritrea has experienced a rich and diverse history filled with intense periods of difficulty. Present day Eritrea with its diverse culture, is not by any means an overnight creation! The process of the historical evolution of our society started over millions of years ago from the cradle of humanity as evidenced by the fossil legacy of our ancestors.

In the last 25 years, much effort has been made to document, preserve and understand the complexity, density and condition of our cultural heritage resources across the country. Likewise, it is worth remembering that a huge part of our cultural heritage is still totally unknown and far from speculation, Eritrea`s ancient history is not well researched and totally unknown to many. Bearing in mind its indisputable significance and its contribution toward nation building, the Eritrean government has been making huge and continuous efforts aimed at safeguarding the irreplaceable heritage resources of the country.

For more than two decades, the National Museum of Eritrea (NME) has been the sole responsible government body with the mandate to preserve, document and research the tangible Cultural Heritage across the country. However, a couple of years ago, the Eritrean Government established a new Commission (The Commission of Culture and Sport) with the aim of harmonizing and assembling different institutions that were actively working on Culture and Sport-related activities. 

The Commission of Culture and Sport started assembling different institutions and assigned representatives to the six regions of the country. Furthermore, it strengthened the human resource capacity of the six regions by assigning young graduates (archaeologists and anthropologists) from the College of Arts and Social Sciences in Adikieh. As an extension program, the Commission conducted intensive training programs mainly for the appointees of the six regions. In general, whilst the assembling process is continuing the results of promoting our valuable Cultural Heritage through extensive training and awareness campaigns is advancing. For example, as part of these campaigns, the Ministry of information (MOI) is extending its readiness to exert this vital and propitious program. 

The MOI in collaboration with the Commission of Culture and Sport, the National Museum of Eritrea and other government stake-holders is instigating media awareness campaign. Awareness giving research papers related to the ancient history of Eritrea will be periodically published on the state newspapers (Eritrean Profile, Haddas Ertra, Eritrea Alhaditha and Eritrea Haddas). Moreover, the MOI will broadcast similar programs on Radio and TV, probably in several languages. Furthermore, short video documentaries will produced by concerned institutions to be broadcast to deliver the righteous heritage of the nation.

In The organizers welcome knowledgeable volunteers to contribute their part in this part of Nation building. The expected contributions may include articles, and scripts for Radio and or TV programs in any languages to promote our Cultural Heritage. This extensive campaign to educate the general public and play a role in strengthening the solidarity and unity of the citizens both within and outside the country.

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