Madote

The Dahlak Archipelago — a scattering of more than 120 islands, only four inhabited — near Massawa, Eritrea, abounds with butterflyfish, jellyfish, barracuda, manta rays, parrotfish, red snappers, coral fish, puffer fish, clown fish and more than 200 kinds of corals.

By Joshua Hammer | New York Times

The coral wall rose from the depths of the Red Sea, a vast and multicolor canvas brimming with sea life. I swam alongside it for 200 feet, past tangled branches, swaying ferns and brain-like spheres, and then dove toward the ocean floor. A school of black-and-yellow-stripe angelfish darted around me, while a grouper the size of a Smart car lumbered past. Rising toward the surface, I spotted a silver barracuda hovering just below the water line. Abruptly the wall ended, and I rounded the corner to confront a netherworld of rusting cables, ropes, labyrinthine corridors and cabins, and a barnacle-covered anchor.

The dive site I had been exploring for an hour was no natural formation, but the side of an Ethiopian battleship. For the past quarter-century, this corroding wreck has lain on the bottom of the harbor of Massawa, Eritrea’s main port city, slowly colonized by marine life. (The barracuda, my boat captain told me, was one of seven that frequent the sunken ship.) Rebels of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front bombarded and sank the vessel in 1990, during the last bloody months of Eritrea’s three-decade-long independence war against Ethiopia. The rusting bow and the remnants of its gunwales protrude above the surface, forming a beacon for divers and snorkelers.

Diving holidays are perhaps not the first thing that comes to mind when the subject of Eritrea arises. This impoverished nation in the Horn of Africa — bordered by Ethiopia, Djibouti, Sudan and the Red Sea — was once considered among the continent’s brightest hopes. But after two decades of repression, international isolation and a forced military conscription program that has driven hundreds of thousands of young people out of the country, it has earned a reputation as the “North Korea of Africa.” In 2016, a United Nations report accused Eritrea of “crimes against humanity,” citing the imprisonment and torture of dissidents. Its leaders have been sanctioned by the United Nations for providing aid to Al Shabaab, the Islamic terrorist group in Somalia. (The United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea reported in 2012 that the government, under international pressure, had ended its direct support of the group.) Visitors have been few and far between. According to the government guides I spoke to, the country received fewer than 1,000 tourists in 2015.

Yet despite its myriad problems, Eritrea is generally safe, though it’s best to check the State Department’s travel website for updated information on travel and security (see below). Its Red Sea coast offers some of the finest snorkeling and scuba diving in the world. The warm waters of the Dahlak Archipelago — a scattering of more than 120 islands, only four of them inhabited, lying just north of Massawa — abound with jellyfish, barracuda, manta rays, parrotfish, red snappers, coral fish, puffer fish, clown fish and more than 200 types of corals. Moreover, unlike the deeper, cooler waters elsewhere in the Red Sea, Eritrea’s shallow, and therefore hotter, waters have created corals capable of adapting to temperature extremes. This unique environment, marine biologists believe, could provide a living laboratory to help endangered coral reefs around the world survive in the face of global warming.

I first visited Massawa in 1993, just after Eritrea formally declared its independence, as Africa bureau chief for Newsweek, then returned three years later, when the media and Western donors were still touting the country as a success story. I hired a dive boat and a guide and for two days explored the pristine reefs of the Dahlak Archipelago, then just beginning to attract tourists.

Two decades later, on a return visit last July, I again ventured to the coast, curious to see how Massawa had fared under Eritrea’s harsh dictatorship, and what was left of the diving industry that, in the 1990s, had seemed poised to grow.

I started my journey in Asmara, the 7,628-foot-high capital, a charming, faded city filled with crumbling Art Deco movie theaters and cappuccino bars that date to Italy’s 50-year colonization of Eritrea. (The British threw out the Italians in 1941.) A permit is needed to visit Massawa, obtainable at a hole-in-the-wall office on Harnet Avenue, Asmara’s main drag. There, I met a guide named Thomas, who was trying to secure permission for a dozen Chinese road engineers.

As we waited for the office to open, he lamented Eritrea’s ravaged economy and the open-ended conscription program. “The prime years of people’s lives are being lost,” he told me. He had used his connections to secure a dead-end posting in a ministry instead of army service, but still dreamed of fleeing. “I think about escaping, every day, but now I realize I missed my chance,” he said, as an official showed up on his moped two hours late and unlocked the door. “It’s too late. The walls have gone up.”

I hired a taxi at a downtown stand, and at 8:30 the next morning, the driver, Zaki, picked me up at my hotel. It was Eid al-Fitr, marking the end of Ramadan, and the streets of this small city were deserted. We drove past the Ethiopian war cemetery, fields of cactus and a herd of camels, and then the Asmara escarpment came into view: a barrier of acacia-speckled mountains that extends almost to the Red Sea. Cyclists clad in red-and-white Lycra worked their way around the hairpin turns; the pop music of Mahmoud Ahmed, an Amharic singer from Ethiopia, blared from Zaki’s CD player. After two hours — and a drop of nearly 8,000 feet — we reached the sandy coastal plain. A quintet of captured Ethiopian tanks marked the entrance to Massawa.

We crossed a causeway and arrived at the Dahlak Hotel, an Italian-owned colossus that decades ago was considered Massawa’s finest. Now it was deserted. The marble-tile staircases, Ottoman-style doorways and palatial salons hinted at the hotel’s 1970s-era grandeur. But my $88-a-night second-floor room — overlooking the bombed-out seaside palace of the Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie — had corroding fixtures, a sagging mattress and a broken toilet seat. Entering the saltwater pool, I slipped on the thick layers of algae that covered the steps and nearly lacerated my feet kicking off the barnacle-encrusted wall. The pool floor was a moonscape of ripped up tiles and exposed mud underneath.

Late that afternoon the hotel clerk put me in touch with Abdullah, a grizzled boat captain who spoke some Italian but no English. A friendly English-speaking Eritrean from Asmara who was sitting at the outdoor cafe offered to help me make the deal. The logistics, I quickly learned, had grown complicated. Dahlak Kebir Island, the archipelago’s main attraction, was now off limits to tourists, Abdullah said. Instead he proposed a daylong scuba-diving trip to Dessie Island, not far from Dahlak, for 16,000 nakfas, or $1,020, about five times what I had paid two decades earlier.

“I have no business,” Abdullah explained, pointing to five scuttled dive boats moored across Massawa harbor that had constituted his fleet during better times. “Everything is gone.” Abdullah was open to negotiation, but instead I opted for a half-day snorkeling and beach trip around Green Island, just beyond the harbor. The cost was a far more reasonable $200.

The next morning, with the temperature pushing 95 degrees, I met Abdullah on the dock. Two Eritreans to whom I had been introduced the day before — Lydia, my taxi driver Zaki’s sister, and her boyfriend, Berhane, a Massawa-born émigré living in Norway who returns home several times a year — joined me for the adventure. They had packed an ice chest with cold Asmara beers, which we loaded onto the skiff.

As we puttered past the loading docks and cranes of the silent port, Berhane added his voice to the many others I had heard lamenting the country’s collapse. “There are no enterprises and no construction. The government makes it impossible for you, so what else can you do but leave?” he told me. Ten of his 12 siblings had fled abroad. “For many, drowning in the sea is a better option them staying here.” Yet Massawa was his home, he said, and Lydia lived here with her two young sons — and so he felt obliged to return.

Ten minutes after leaving the pier, Abdullah cast the anchor overboard. I strapped on my mask, snorkel and fins, and leapt off the boat. Instantly the harsh realities of Eritrea dissolved in a swirl of color and motion. The water was warm and clear, and I hovered above an extensive coral garden — a “Finding Nemo” tableau. Long-beaked parrotfish, big-eyed squirrelfish, translucent blue disc-shaped surgeonfish, and huge angelfish in a dozen patterns nibbled on brightly colored coral and darted through sea anemones. Schools of tetras and black mollies swept past. I chased a blue-spotted stingray, keeping a safe distance, until it darted beneath a rock, only its poisonous spine protruding from its sanctuary. After an hour spent exploring several of these coral gardens, I climbed back aboard the boat, and we headed toward Green Island. The Asmara escarpment — barren and dun colored — rose just beyond the shore. I walked along a beach alive with hermit crabs. The entire beach seemed to be in motion, tiny white conch shells skittering across the sand.

At dusk that evening I walked by myself down a causeway into Massawa’s Old City. I had been here 20 years before, and remembered jostling with crowds in a square filled with fish restaurants and outdoor tables. Now, wandering down deserted alleys, past mosques and crumbling archways, I searched in vain for the square. Two young couples sat on stools in the dirt courtyard of a private home. One of the women, who spoke some English, invited me to join them. I asked where all the people had gone. “They have all left — for Europe,” she replied. “Do you want to go, too?” I asked. “The boys do, because they are both in the army, but I don’t know,” she said.

She directed me to one of a handful of restaurants still open: Salam, on a dirt square opposite a liquor shop that was illuminated by a string of orange lights for Eid al-Fitr. Two Eritrean diaspora families visiting from the United States — 20 in each group — sat at tables in front.

I ordered the sea bass, and it came quickly to my table, butterflied and grilled with paprika, served with flaky and charred flat bread. It was crisp, spicy and utterly delicious. I paid the bill and walked through the now-darkened streets, past splashes of light from a couple of grocery stores. Then I reached the causeway, and followed a set of abandoned railway tracks back to the Dahlak Hotel.

For more information about traveling to Eritrea, go to lonelyplanet.com/eritrea

Gondar militia with Ginbot 7 instructor

Ethiopia: Peaceful Protest to Armed Uprising

By Graham Peebles

What began as a regional protest movement in November 2015, is in danger of becoming a fully-fledged armed uprising in Ethiopia.

Angered and exasperated by the government’s intransigence and duplicity, small guerrilla groups made up of local armed people have formed in Amhara and elsewhere, and are conducting hit and run attacks on security forces. Fighting at the beginning of January in the North West region of Benishangul Gumuz saw 51 regime soldiers killed, ESAT News reported, and in the Amhara region a spate of incidents has occurred, notably a grenade attack on a hotel in Gondar and an explosion in Bahir-Dah.

In what appears to be an escalation in violence, in Belesa, an area north of Gondar, a firefight between ‘freedom fighters’, as they are calling themselves, and the military resulted in deaths on both sides. There have also been incidents in Afar, where people are suffering the effects of drought; two people were recently killed by security personnel, others arrested. The Afar Human Rights Organization told ESAT that the government has stationed up to 6000 troops in the region, which has heightened tensions and fuelled resentment.

Given the government’s obduracy, the troubling turn of events was perhaps to be expected. However, such developments do not bode well for stability in the country or the wider region, and enable the ruling regime to slander opposition groups as ‘terrorists’, and implement more extreme measures to clamp down on public assembly in the name of ‘national security’.

Until recently those calling for change had done so in a peaceful manner; security in the country – the security of the people – is threatened not by opposition groups demanding human rights be observed and the constitution be upheld, but by acts of State Terrorism, the real and pervasive menace in Ethiopia.

Oppressive State of Emergency

Oromia and Amhara are homelands to the country’s two biggest ethnic groups, together comprising around 65% of the population. Demonstrations began in Oromia: thousands took to the streets over a government scheme to expand Addis Ababa onto Oromo farmland (plans later dropped), and complaints that the Oromo people had been politically marginalised. Protests expanded into the Amhara region in July 2016, concerning the appropriation of fertile land in the region by the authorities in Tigray – a largely arid area.

The regime’s response has been consistently violent and has fuelled more protests, motivated more people to take part, and brought supressed anger towards the ruling EPRDF to the surface. Regional, issue-based actions, quickly turned into a nationwide protest movement calling for the ruling party, which many view as a dictatorship, to step down, and for democratic elections to be held.

Unwilling to enter into dialogue with opposition groups, and unable to contain the movement that swept through the country, in October 2016 the government imposed a six-month ‘State of Emergency’. This was necessary, the Prime Minister claimed, because, “we want to put an end to the damage that is being carried out against infrastructure projects, education institutions, health centers, administration and justice buildings,” and claimed, that “we put our citizens’ safety first”.

The extraordinary directive, which has dramatically increased tensions in the country, allows for even tighter restrictions to be applied – post an update on Facebook about the unrest and face five years imprisonment – and is further evidence of both the government’s resistance to reform and its disregard for the views of large sections of the population.

The directive places stifling restrictions of basic human rights, and as Human Rights Watch (HRW) states, goes “far beyond what is permissible under international law and signals an increased militarized response to the situation.”

Among the 31 Articles in the directive, ‘Communication instigating Protest and Unrest’ is banned, which includes using social media to organize public gatherings; so too is ‘Communication with Terrorist Groups’, this doesn’t mean the likes of ISIS, which would be reasonable, but relates to any individual or group who the regime themselves define as ‘terrorists’, i.e. anyone who publicly disagrees with them.

The independent radio/TV channel, ESAT (based in Europe and America) as well as Oromia Media meet the terrorist criteria and are high up the excluded list. Public assembly without authorization from the ‘Command Post’ is not allowed; there is even a ban on making certain gestures, “without permission”. Specifically crossing arms above the head to form an ‘X’, which has become a sign of national unity against the regime, and was bravely displayed by Ethiopian marathon runner Feyisa Lilesa, at the Rio Olympics (where he won a silver medal).

If anyone is found to have violated any of the draconian articles they can be arrested without charge and imprisoned without due process. The ruling regime, which repeatedly blames so called ‘outside forces’ for fueling the uprising – Eritrea and Egypt are cited – says the new laws will be used to coordinate the security forces against what it ambiguously calls “anti-peace elements”, that want to “destabilize the country”.

Shortly after the directive was passed, the government arrested “1,645 people”, the New York Times reported, of which an astonishing 1,220 “were described as ringleaders, the rest coordinators, suspects and bandits.”

All of this is taking place in what the ruling regime and their international benefactors laughably describe as a democracy. Ethiopia is not, nor has it even been a democratic country. The ruling EPRDF party, which, like the military, is dominated by men from the small Tigray region (6% of the population) in the North of the country, came to power in the traditional manner – by force; since its accession in 1992 it has stolen every ‘election’.

No party anywhere legitimately wins 100% of the parliamentary seats in an election, but the EPRDF, knowing their principle donors – the USA and UK – would sanction the result anyway, claimed to do so in 2015. The European Union, also a major benefactor, did, criticise the result; however, much to the fury of Ethiopians around the world, President Obama speaking after the whitewash, declared that the “elections put forward a democratically elected government.”

Government Reaction

Since the start of the protests the Government has responded with force. Nobody knows the exact number of people killed, hundreds certainly (HRW say around 500), thousands possibly. Tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, have been arbitrarily arrested and detained, probably tortured, definitely mistreated; family members of protestors, journalists and opposition politicians, are intimidated and routinely persecuted. And whilst 10,000 people have recently been released, local groups estimate a further 70,000 remain incarcerated and the government has initiated a new wave of arrests in which young people have been specifically targeted.

Amongst the list of violent state actions – none of which have been independently investigated – the incident at Bishoftu, which many Ethiopians describe as a massacre, stands out. On 2nd October millions of ethnic Oromos gathered to celebrate at the annual Irreecha cultural festival. There was a heavy, intimidating military presence including an army helicopter; anti-government chants broke out, people took to the stage and crossed their arms in unity. At this democratic act, security forces responded by firing live ammunition and teargas into the crowd.

The number of casualties varies depending on the source; the government would have us believe 55 people died, though local people and opposition groups claim 250 people were killed by security forces. The ruling regime makes it impossible to independently investigate such incidences or to verify those killed and injured, but HRW states that, “based on the information from witnesses and hospital staff…it is clear that the number of dead is much higher than government estimates.”

A week after the Nightmare at Bishoftu, the ruling party enforced its State of Emergency. Another ill-judged pronouncement that has entrenched divisions, strengthened resolve and plunged the country into deeper chaos. Such actions reveal a level of paranoia, and a failure to understand the impact of repressive rule. With every controlling violent action the Government takes, with every innocent person that it kills or maims, opposition spreads, resistance intensifies, resolve grows stronger.

Enough!

The Ethiopian revolt comes after over two decades of rule by the EPRDF, a party whose approach, despite its democratic persona, has been intensely autocratic. Human rights declared in the liberally worded constitution are totally ignored: dissent is not allowed nor is political debate or regional secession – a major issue for the Ogaden region, which is under military control.

There is no independent media – it is all state owned or controlled, as is access to the Internet; journalists who express any criticism of the ruling regime are routinely arrested, and the only truly autonomous media group, ESAT is now classed as a terrorist organization. Add to this list the displacement of indigenous people to make way for international industrial farms; the partisan distribution of aid, employment opportunities and higher education places; the promulgation of ethnic politics in schools, plus the soaring cost of living, and a different, less polished Ethiopian picture begins to surface of life than the one painted by the regime and donor nations – benefactors who, by their silence and duplicity are complicit in the actions of the EPRDF government.

People have had enough of such injustices. Inhibited and contained for so long, they have now found the strength to demand their rights and stand up to the bully enthroned in Addis Ababa. The hope must be that change can be brought about by peaceful means and not descend into a bloody conflict. For this to happen the government needs to adopt a more conciliatory position and listen to the people’s legitimate concerns.

This unprecedented uprising may be held at bay for a time, restrained by force and unjust legislation, but people rightly sense this is the moment for change; they will no longer cower and be silenced for too much has been sacrificed by too many.

MEP Brian Hayes (third from right) with farmers in Eritrea. The potato project is funded by Irish Government, Vita and Gorta SHA [Credit: Brian Hayes]

By IntenseAfrica

Potato (Solanum tuberosum) is one of the most important crops in the world today. Potato produces more protein and calories per unit area, per unit time, and per unit of water than any other major plant food. In Eritrea, potato is an important, high nutritional value and popular food crop for consumers and a cash crop to growers. Potato grows well in all the high altitude areas, mid lands and low lands in the cool months of the year under various soil types, and is grown by subsistence and commercial farmers.

Recently, the Ministry of Agriculture of Eritrea estimated that a total of 2,970 hectare of land is under potato cultivation. The potato crop is one of the priority crops that has been targeted for development in the Medium Term Plan and Strategy of the National Agricultural Research Institute of Eritrea. The current national average yield is low, around 12.5 tons/ha. A significant factor contributing to these low yields is the heavy infestation of seed potatoes with virus. The nutritional and economic value, in addition to the favourable climate of the country, justifies efforts to address constraints of under-utilized productive capacity of the crop. Some of the constraints that were identified in the highlands and midlands included: weak seed variety, prevalence of viral diseases, high cost of inputs, limited access to extension services, unreliable weather, and low produce price, lack of storage facilities and seed provision systems.

In addressing the intensification drivers, the consortium team in Eritrea, including members from Ireland (Teagasc, Vita), promotes food security at national and regional levels through access to a reliable source of potato tubers (seed), which in turn improves household incomes of beneficiary farmers. The focus of the project is on developing a scale model of a seed potato system, seed multiplication, tissue culture development and upskilling of research and extension staff. The annual national seed potato requirement, based on the most recent area estimate, is over 3,000 tones which would cost about USD 2.1 Million, which is beyond what the Government can afford. In the absence of any seed provision system, the normal practice is for farmers to either save the smallest sized tubers for seed in the next season or to simply buy small tubers left over from the vegetable market. This new consortium will strengthen ongoing work supported by Teagasc and Vita in addressing intensification drivers associated with the potato crop in Eritrea.

LCS 1 Potato Eritrea Final Report by Anonymous XG5TrO on Scribd

Photo: Computer Science graduates from the Eritrean Institute of Technology in Mai Nefhi.

Beyond the Myths: Eritrean Women

By Dr. Fikrejesus Amahazion

Recently, a fictitious report about polygamy in Eritrea becoming national policy was widely circulated across various international media outlets. While the story was a complete and utter hoax, littered with innumerable fabrications and falsehoods – easily revealed by simple, perfunctory background research – its broad dissemination poignantly encapsulates how general coverage of and journalistic practice toward Eritrea are so problematic.

The only things missing from the entire fiasco – beyond rationality and critical thinking – were the stigmatized, clichéd imagery and lazy descriptions about “lions in the backyard” and natives brandishing spears while adorned with traditional loincloths and war paint. Effectively, the story is a relic of a bygone era, characterized by a different paradigm where, for outsiders, Africa “proper,” to utilize Hegel’s moniker, was a land of an “Unhistorical, Undeveloped Spirit,” exhibiting “…man in his completely wild and untamed state” (91; 93).

Furthermore, the story was particularly troubling due to its highly denigrating portrayal of Eritrean institutions and culture and its extremely degrading reflection of Eritrean women, who are key components of Eritrean families, communities, and society. Much of the risible response to the story emanates from the fact that it regurgitated outdated, paternalistic, and grossly inaccurate images and depictions of “Third World” women (e.g. being inefficacious, poor, residing in hovels, having too many children, illiterate, ignorant, tradition-bound, victimized, and either dependent on a man for survival or impoverished because they lack one). Images are powerful and potent; when they are replayed and repeated incessantly and uncritically, they strengthen harmful stereotypes and legitimate long-standing inequalities. The longest African independence war of the 1900s, and amongst the most destructive, Eritrea’s three decades long struggle was about far more than just political emancipation. Rather, it sought to usher in a complete and radical socio-economic and cultural transformation of society. Accordingly, an important dimension of the struggle – giving special attention to egalitarian, popular democratic principles and ideals – was a particular focus on women’s and gender-related issues. No longer would women be viewed narrowly as secondary, subordinate figures within society; instead, they would stand proudly as full equals to men. Embodying the notion of equality through struggle, valiant Eritrean women served honorably, fought bravely, and sacrificed greatly alongside men in the labyrinth-like trenches, on the battlefields, and across the front lines. Ultimately, women would prove absolutely critical to the eventual achievement of independence. In a similar vein, since independence Eritrean women have been key drivers of the nation’s pursuit of a broad range of national development objectives.

Globally, women’s economic empowerment is increasingly recognized as a crucial factor in promoting gender equality. Economically strengthening women is not only a fundamental moral imperative, in terms of encouraging the realization of inherent, inalienable women’s and human rights, it also serves to stimulate and undergird economic growth and prosperity. A plethora of examples and case studies abound – from Bangladesh to Bolivia to South Korea and Kerala, amongst others – revealing that when families, governments, the business sector, communities, and societies invest in girls and women, and work to eliminate inequalities, developing countries are less likely to be plagued by destitution and poverty and they become better positioned to thrive within highly competitive global markets. Accordingly, it is encouraging that Eritrean women are increasingly being integrated into many sectors of the economy, seeing them perform vital, productive roles and tangibly impacting the country’s general development and progress. Women now constitute a large percentage of the workforce, and they remain very active in both the manufacturing and informal sectors. Moreover, through steady improvements and investment in education and human capital, and greater access to opportunities, they are gradually transitioning to high-skilled sectors. Around the world, it has long been the rule that women are inferior, with little ability to contribute substantively to society. In Eritrea, an old, backwards proverb states that “like there is no donkey with horns, there is no woman with brains.” However, from the days of the long struggle and since independence, Eritrea’s resilient women have shattered such outdated, patriarchal rules and notions through their wholehearted participation, struggle, contributions, and sacrifices. Today, Eritrean women are active within all areas of society and they contribute in many diverse ways, ultimately playing a crucial, positive role in the country’s socio-economic progress and overall development.

Notably, Eritrean women are also making numerous and significant contributions to the country’s environment. Environmental degradation is a critical problem in Eritrea, dating back to the country’s period under colonialism and foreign administration. Remarkably, due to universal land systems, agricultural expansion, and deforestation policies successively implemented by the Italians, British, and Ethiopians, Eritrea’s national forest cover decreased from over 30% in the late 1800s to a meager 5% of the country by 1960 (Fiore 1952; MoA 1994; Renato 1911). Other influential factors for degradation include the long, destructive war of independence, harsh climatic conditions, and various population practices (e.g. the mass utilization of wood for fuel). Today, a range of projects across the country seek to address degradation through community participation in soil and water conservation activities. According to a recent article by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW), an organization which has worked to propel social transformation in Eritrea and build a conducive environment for enabling gender equality and the empowerment of women, has led and implemented several effective community projects. Serving as an apt reminder of the central role of women within Eritrean society, the NUEW-led projects help to encourage equality, significantly contribute to the conservation of biodiversity, and strongly promote sustainable livelihoods.

Eritrean Women take lead in Conservation of Mai Nefhi Dam Catchment Area

UNDP in Eritrea and featured on www.er.undp.org

Abrehet Issac (59) is passionate about environment conservation. She led 5 groups of women who undertook a cumbersome task of digging, ferrying stones and planting trees at the Mai Nefhi catchment area. “The ground was very hard and our hands were bleeding, but we were committed to finishing the work that we had begun,” she said. As the leader, Abrehet coordinated the activities undertaken by the groups and found solutions for those encountering problems. “Sometimes I just made jokes to cheer them up. They still want to come even though we don’t have any ongoing work at the moment!” She exclaimed. They call the place “Taba Hamadae”, loosely translated it means the hill where women meet.

Two years ago, a group of 120 women from two villages, Abarda and Kutmowlie in the Galanefhi sub- region, Central region, started an ambitious environment conservation project that entailed planting trees and constructing check dams on 100 hectares of land that form the Mai Nefhi catchment area. During the implementation of the project, they formed committees that were responsible for ensuring that all the planned activities were implemented.

According to Tiblez Weldgherima, the administrator of Abarda and Kutmowlie villages, it is the residents of Abarda village that came up with the conservation idea as they were looking for ways to improve their livelihoods. “As an administrator, I had already mobilized the women and organized ourselves into groups” she said. Tiblez is an ex fighter from Eritrea’s armed struggle for independence. “I have witnessed the death of my comrades. Their blood was not shed in vain, it is what drives me,” she said. Since then she has nurtured the commitment to see the prosperity of the future generations in Eritrea. “The armed struggle for independence has taught many of us to be resilient, the women are committed to the initiative. I am still a soldier, fighting for the protection of the environment,” she added.

The project is implemented by one of UNDP’s implementing partners, the National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW) and is funded by UNDP-GEF Small Grants Programme and co-financed by the communities and government ministries. There is a development committee comprising of representatives from the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA), NUEW, sub region and village administration who supervise the soil and water conservation activities as per MoA guidelines.So far, soil and water conservation work has been undertaken on 38 hectares of land through community participation. They have also constructed 152 kilometers of terraces, built 1500m3 of check dams and planted 39,540 tree seedlings of eucalyptus, cactus and “Awhi” (Cordia Africana). In future, the community of about 720 households, will be able to harvest the trees and sell as firewood for extra income or poles for house construction. They can also harvest the cactus fruit ‘beles’ during the rainy season (May to September), to supplement household food and income, especially for the rural population.The project is anticipated to improve the livelihoods of about 2,500 people, in addition to decreasing siltation of Mai Nefhi Dam.

Now Danakali (AU:DNK) has the green light to develop its positively unique potash project with a 200-year mine life in Eritrea, it is aiming straight for the top.

By MiningNews

“This project is going to be a game changer for the global potash industry,” managing director and CEO Paul Donaldson says.

The factors that give him such confidence are the many attributes that make Colluli’s huge 1.1 billion tonne sulphate of potash (SOP) resource fundamentally different to North American and Eastern European potash deposits, or as Donaldson prefers, “positively unique”.

The deposit is shallow and its salts will be extracted in solid form, it is best suited to producing premium-priced SOP, but it can also produce SOP-Magnesia and the more common muriate of potash (MOP) – and it has an unrivalled suite of other product options, including a 350 million tonne rock salt resource, an 85 million tonne magnesium sulphate resource and gypsum potential.

The plus-200-year SOP project demonstrates excellent economics, bottom quartile operating costs, industry leading capital intensity, requires low incremental growth capital and is close to the coast and key markets.

Donaldson likened it to being the potash equivalent of BHP Billiton’s (AU:BHP) Olympic Dam mine in Australia (which hosts one of the world’s largest copper, gold and uranium deposits and a significant deposit of silver), due to the project’s scale and product diversity.

“Rarely do you get such a large, multi-commodity resource that can deliver so much at low cost,” Donaldson said.

Significantly, Colluli was granted its mining agreement and mining licence in early February and Danakali isn’t wasting any time, with optimisation studies well underway as part of the front end engineering and design (FEED) process.

The Colluli Mining Share Company is a 50:50 joint venture with the government’s Eritrean National Mining Corporation (ENAMCO) and Donaldson is quick to point out this partnership has been a project enabler.

ENAMCO partnered with Nevsun Resources (CN:NSU) to develop and operate the country’s Bisha copper-zinc mine, and is also a partner in the Zara gold mine and the advanced copper-zinc-gold-silver Asmara project.

As for working in the African country, Donaldson is ready to start “myth busting” any misconceptions.

“We have demonstrated that business can be done in Eritrea, and everyone who visits our project is pleasantly surprised by the jurisdiction, the people, the mining code and the project itself,” he said.

“Eritrea was ranked 6th out of 20 for African mining investment by the Fraser Institute, ahead of South Africa.

“We’ve always maintained that our relationship with our joint venture partner is an enabler, and that has proved to be the case. We are now the most advanced stage greenfield primary SOP project in the world.”

Colluli’s location has another geographic advantage – it is at the epicentre of the world’s forecast population growth hotspot, which will require more fertiliser to grow more food on less available land.

The project has attracted resource industry leaders, and Danakali recently appointed Fluor, Global Potash Solutions, Knight Piésold and Elemental Engineering to the FEED team.

The already robust economics indicate phase one development costs of US$298 million with an anticipated post-tax IRR of 25.4% and a capital payback period of 3.5 years.

“The optimisation process is nearly at an end and we’ve got some really good initiatives out of that exercise that we’ll use to potentially compress the development capital further,” Donaldson said.

Internationally recognised power providers have also stepped up to express interest in the Colluli power station contract, which will be a build-own-operate-transfer model.

Donaldson said Danakali was progressively achieving its aims and the company was being rerated by the market as a result.

“We’re happy to have the mining agreement signed off and mining licence awarded,” he said.

“The mining agreement gives the Colluli Mining Share Company exclusivity over the resource for the life of the mine, which is at least 200 years.

“Some people have asked about why the licences ‘only’ covering the first 60 years of the project. Quite simply, it’s enough to get started, and the project will apply for more licenses over time.

“These are all significant re-rating milestones and further de-risking the company.”

The company is transitioning its non-binding off-take MOUs towards Heads of Agreement and is advancing discussions with other potential end-users, producers and traders.

The existing MOU contracts cover 800,000 tonnes per annum of SOP and 200,000tpa of SOP-M production.

Discussions over funding the project are progressing and Donaldson said there were a number of different paths the company was exploring.

As the project develops, Donaldson said the board’s composition would continue to evolve.

In early February, the board appointed highly experienced mining and potash executive Robert Connochie, whose previous roles include chairman of world-leading potash exporter Canpotex, director of the Saskachewan Potash Producers Association, chairman and CEO of Potash Company of America, chairman of the Phosphate and Potash Institute and director of the Fertiliser Institute.

Meanwhile, after providing instrumental guidance to help Danakali reach the development phase, Tony Kiernan stepped down this month as non-executive director.

“Tony has excellent knowledge of Eritrea and a very good relationship with our joint venture partners,” Donaldson said.

“He was instrumental in working through the mining agreement and licenses, and now that these have been awarded, marking a very distinct transition point for the company from explorer to developer, it makes sense for the company to re-evaluate the skills set within our board and management team as we take the project through the next phase.”

The company’s share price has risen circa 160% over 12 months as the project derisks and recent research reports point to further value accretion.

Baillieu Holst, Somers and Partners and Hartley’s have given share price targets ranging between A$1.02 and $1.22, well above Danakali’s mid-February price of 73c.

“There is still lots of upside for shareholders,” Donaldson notes.

He said stocks were boosted when JP Morgan joined the register last year, which was an endorsement both of the jurisdiction and the resource.

The rerating has continued and Donaldson said Danakali had made exceptional progress relative to other projects.

“This is the most advanced greenfield primary production SOP development out there, ready for funding and ready to build, with the best economics,” he said.

Returning to the project’s potential impact on the global potash industry, Donaldson said there was considerable growth for Colluli in its future.

Over 50% of the world’s production of SOP comes from high cost secondary production. The bottom quartile cost curve position, combined with low incremental growth capital and monetisation potential of other salts in the resource, means Colluli has the potential to grow into the world’s single biggest SOP producer.

“It is also the only primary SOP production resource which is not weather dependent (because the salts are in solid form) for production, and there’s no lag between capital investment and revenue generation as there is with brine projects which can take up to two years to generate a harvest salt for subsequent production to SOP,” Donaldson said.

“That time lag has a massive NPV impact and I really don’t think the market appreciates the true strengths of Colluli over other projects just yet.

“It is an ongoing journey of education, and I do think people are starting to look more closely. Add to the outstanding economics of the SOP, the idea that monetisation of the other salts in the resource would effectively be someone else paying for our mine stripping and that puts what is already an outstanding project in a class of its own.

“This is probably the only potash project on the planet that can safely and swiftly grow either with or ahead of the market – it’s a one-horse race for market share.

“It can change the global SOP landscape. There’s no other project like it.”

Merhawi Kudus rode to fourth overall at the Tour of Oman. Photo: Tim De Waele | TDWsport.com

By Gregor Brown | Velonews

Eritrean Merhawi Kudus of Dimension Data sat on the sea wall in Muscat taking in the rugged cityscape after the Tour of Oman finished. He said the white jersey, his first at bike racing’s top level, holds importance as he raced among stars like Rui Costa, Fabio Aru, and Romain Bardet.

Kudus beamed a welcoming smile and wore the white jersey proudly. He aimed to win the overall in Oman, but taking the best young rider’s jersey and placing fourth overall is good enough for now.

“It was not bad I kept the white jersey,” Kudus said.

“This is my first white jersey as a professional. For a professional under 25, it is quite hard. I have under 23 jerseys, but no under 25 white jerseys. Last year, I lost it by 18 seconds. It is really something for me so I am really happy.”

It astonishes some followers that Kudus is still only 23 years old. He has already raced all three grand tours, including the Vuelta a España twice.

Now, like always, Kudus wants to win. He showed that by attacking with Olympic champion Greg Van Avermaet (BMC Racing) on day 2 of the Middle Eastern race and trading punches with Rui Costa (UAE Abu Dhabi) and Fabio Aru (Astana) on Saturday’s Green Mountain summit finish. He left behind Romain Bardet (Ag2r La Mondiale), who finished second in last year’s Tour de France to Chris Froome (Sky).

“The [6km] climb was a little short, when I saw 2km to go I was a little bit surprised,” added Kudus. “I was a little bit nervous. I started early and the effort was quite long.”

Dimension Data’s performance manager Rolf Aldag has worked with stars Tejay van Garderen, Tony Martin, and Mark Cavendish. The combination of Kudus’s win and the gentle Arabian Sea brought a smile to Aldag’s face.

“The whole team is happy because we did what we wanted to do with Lachlan Morton attacking early on,” the German said. “We isolated the leaders and he blew all the other teams’ helpers. It was men against men with Costa and the other obvious ones. They caught Merhawi back this time but next time it might work. You can’t be disappointed when you execute the plan perfectly.

“The longer climbs are better for him, long and steep because he is not a power climber. You’re always amazed when you see how much power his legs can produce, though. That makes him always competitive on steep climbs.”

Those long thin legs, similar to the ones that carry the famous east African marathon runners, took him to second place in the Volta a Valenciana behind Movistar’s Nairo Quintana two weeks ago.

They took him to 10th overall in the Tour de France’s youth classification in 2015 when he was 21 years old. They helped him make the huge leaps since winning a stage in Africa’s top stage race in 2012, the Tour of Rwanda, with the UCI’s development team.

This season, Kudus and Dimension Data — which also boasts Cavendish and Tyler Farrar on its roster — established goals for him in the shorter stage races like the Tour of Oman and the Abu Dhabi Tour, which begins Thursday and includes many top stars like Alberto Contador (Trek – Segafredo), Quintana, and Bardet.

The four-day WorldTour race in the United Arab Emirates features three stages for sprinters and one summit finish. That 10.6km climb traditionally decides the race. Esteban Chaves (Orica – Scott) and Tanel Kangert (Astana) won the last two editions.

“We are setting achievable goals,” Aldag added. “First [Kudus] needs to obtain experience. He did that. Next is going for results and certain stage races, like Oman or potentially Abu Dhabi and Coppi e Bartali later on.

“Cavendish will race for the sprints, but he will be more than happy to do his share to help Merhawi into the right position. Last time the whole peloton got split in the crosswinds going into the climb. So we have strong guys to do so, like Bernie Eisel who rode with Sky and Froome. We have to ride day to day with GC in mind and see how it turns out.”

“The white jersey keeps my morale and mentality strong,” Kudus added. “I come out of yesterday with a smile, not disappointed. It gives me good motivation.”

The Israel Athletic Association decided not to award an Eritrean runner the silver medal—despite finishing second in the race—due to rules stating athletes over 18 must be citizens of Israel; 1st and 3rd place winners boycott medal ceremony in solidarity.

By Avinoam Porat | Ynetnews

The Israeli Athletics Association (IAA), which organized the Israel Field Race Championship, has decided not to awarde 19-year-old Eritrean refugee Thloani Malacca the silver medal due to him not being an Israeli citizen.

As a result of the IAA's decision, the winner of the race, Eshetu Worko, and the third place finisher, Getu Admasu, both Israeli citizens and members of Hasimta Athletic Club, boycotted the medal ceremony and refused to take the podium out of solidarity with Malacca.

The club published a post claiming a lack of equality between athletes whose center of life is Israel, regardless of citizenship.

The post stated that Thloani, who has been in the country five years and was from another club—Hapoel Emek-Hefer—actually wanted the ceremony to take place without him, but the two runners from Hasimta objected and boycotted the event.

The IAA's original plan was for Malacca to stand on the second place podium in order to award him the respect he deserved, along with Admasu, who would receive the actual silver medal.

Both Worko and Admasu had the support of their clubs in boycotting the ceremony.

The IAA responded by saying, "We respect Malacca, but we work according to the charter. Until two years ago, athletes who are not Israeli citizens did not even stand on the podium. In accordance with a demand of the Hasimta club, we added a special section that allowed all athletes under 18 to have the right to medals. Unfortunately, Thloani is 19 and the section does not apply to him. Only a further change would allow those athletes who are over 18 and not Israeli citizens to stand on the podium and receive a medal."

It is worth noting that similar problems exist in other countries in the world, such as in Europe, where there are many asylum seekers.

Some Notes on Eritrea’s Economy

Dr. Fikrejesus Amahazion

According to the recently published Global Economic Prospects, a World Bank Group flagship report, the year 2016 was marked by stagnant global trade, subdued investment, and heightened policy uncertainty. For 2017, a subdued recovery is expected, with receding obstacles to activity in commodity exporters and solid domestic demand in commodity importers. Additionally, weak investment is weighing on medium-term prospects across many emerging markets and developing economies (EMDEs). Although fiscal stimulus in major economies, if implemented, may boost global growth above expectations, risks to growth forecasts remain tilted to the downside.

For Eritrea, GDP growth was slightly above 4% in 2016, outpacing the global average, as well as GDP growth in the advanced economies, developing economies, and Africa (see figure 1). As well, Eritrea’s projected growth for the next several years is expected to outpace global projections (see figure 2). Importantly, such economic growth can be central to poverty reduction and the realization of broader development goals. Moving forward, Eritrea can address several areas in order to sustain positive economic momentum and enhance overall development.

Manufacturing and skills development

An area Eritrea should prioritize is manufacturing and skills development. As Eritrea continues to grow and integrate into the broader regional and global economy, it is vital to raise and vary exports, moving away from low-value added and potentially unstable primary products. Manufacturing is essential to growth, and with rapid technical change and global economic integration, it is becoming important as a means of modernizing and diversifying the economic base.

Consequently, focusing on and investing in technical and vocational programs and human capital development are key since they can help build and refine the population’s skills and capabilities to compete within fiercely competitive markets. Notably, advanced skills are not just a requirement for “hi-tech” sectors; even supposedly “simple” areas such as apparel, footwear, and basic engineering products require a degree of skills to compete. Of further importance, a skilled, knowledgeable workforce dramatically improves the investment climate since trained, skilled workers create an attractive economic environment for investors.

Beyond their necessity for competing in regional or global markets, Eritrea should invest in technical and vocational skills programs and human capital development since they help in the fulfillment of a range of fundamental human rights, significantly contribute to social inclusion, can considerably raise productivity and earnings (particularly of the working poor), reduce unemployment, increase the efficiency of entrepreneurs, and play positive, influential roles in crime and poverty reduction (AfDB; BCG; World Bank 2014).

The importance of technical and vocational skills and human capital development is particularly apparent in relation to skills gaps. Skills gaps are prevalent across much of the developing world – such as in Eritrea – and they persist despite generally high unemployment rates. Potential workers, lacking the skills and training required by various industries, remain idle and unproductive. An insightful case is Sri Lanka; while the country has the most educated workforce in South Asia, with 87 percent of citizens completing secondary school, its workforce is not equipped with the right skills to be machine operators, technicians, sales associates, and managers (World Bank 2014). In this context, vocational and technical training programs can provide workers with the vital skills required by dynamic, evolving economies, and can ultimately help address problems of unemployment and lack of productivity (BCG).

Notably, skills acquired from or honed within technical and vocational programs are especially significant for youth. Young people frequently remain at the end of the job queue for the formal labor market because they lack adequate skills and experience (Boateng 2002). With little access to formal employment, youth may instead turn to the informal sector. While the informal sector can frequently offer certain tangible benefits, it can also be characterized by long, unpredictable hours and limited protections, returns, safety, or security. More problematically, youth unemployment can also potentially lead to emigration, or crime and other harmful or dangerous behaviors, such as sex work or illicit drug use.

Overall, vocational and technical programs and human capital development are critical elements in encouraging and accelerating development, inclusive growth, and poverty reduction through economic transformation and job creation (AfDB). Moving forward, Eritrea should continue to invest in vocational and technical programs, and seek to enhance their overall effectiveness and impact. Doing so will require firm political commitment, the ongoing participation and cooperation of local and international partners, sustainable financing (especially for infrastructure and equipment), and the foresight to ensure that expansion does not dilute the quality of training.

To augment impact, the potential for enterprise-based training should be explored, while technical and vocational programs should be carefully assessed, diversified, and matched with the skills required by the labor market, possibly with the active participation of employers (Kanyenze, Mhone and Spareboom 2000; World Bank 2014). An illustrative example is the system of productivity councils that was a fundamental component of the rapid growth and success of the East Asian economies. Specifically, the system involved the specific skills profile required by the private sector being fed directly into the curricula of the educational and technical sector.

Finally, the Eritrean government and relevant stakeholders can further develop awareness campaigns illustrating that technical and vocational programs are an important means of empowering individuals to fully develop their capabilities and tangibly improve their lives. Importantly, these campaigns will help garner greater attention and participation, while counteracting potential obstacles related to perceptions of the alleged low prestige of technical and vocational programs.

Fisheries

Eritrea’s coastline on the Red Sea is approximately 1200 kilometers, making it one of the longest in the world, with approximately 1000 kilometers more coming from its numerous islands on the Red Sea. Notably, the waters of the southern part of the Red Sea are highly productive and rich in biodiversity, with substantial populations of over 1000 species of fish. Commercially valuable fish include groupers, snappers, emperors, lizardfish, breams, jacks, trevallies, mackerels, tunas, sharks, sardines, and anchovies.

However, while the region, which includes hundreds of islands as well as the major ports of Massawa in central Eritrea and Assab in the south, has a potential yield of 80000 metric tons of fish per year, Eritrea’s annual total capture production remains quite low. Thus, not only can the fisheries sector play an important role for poverty reduction, employment, income generation, food security (e.g. through reducing the need to depend on food imports to fill gaps), and nutrition (e.g. fish products are an important source of animal protein and essential micronutrients for balanced nutrition and good health), it also holds the potential to be a significant export industry and thus contribute to overall development and growth.

It is imperative, however, that Eritrea develop this sector in environmentally-friendly, sustainable ways. Proper management can avoid pollution and destructive fishing practices, ultimately ensuring the continued productivity of coastal waters and future growth, food security and jobs for coastal communities.

Tourism

Globally, the tourism industry accounts for about 10 percent of global GDP and one out of every 11 jobs. Tourism is an important foreign exchange earner, and many countries encourage tourism to help promote development and economic growth. The conclusion that tourism benefits nations’ economies applies both to developed nations and developing countries, although the effect may be stronger for less-developed countries with a relatively simple economy – such as Eritrea (Sahli and Carey 2013).

For Eritrea, a country blessed with a warm, hospitable climate, rich cultural heritage, and great natural assets, the tourism sector holds enormous potential to reduce poverty and enhance economic growth. However, the country must remain committed to the continued development of basic infrastructure (e.g. roads and airport facilities). Furthermore, the experience of countries that have developed successful tourism sectors (e.g. the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN]) can offer important lessons for Eritrea, particularly in terms of improving connectivity, visa facilitation, and services. While tourism can promote growth and development, Eritrea must also make efforts to minimize or avoid potential adverse effects (e.g. on environment, cultural heritage, or local communities).

Figure 1

Source: World Bank 2017 Note: GDP Growth, Constant 2010 USD

Figure 2

Source: World Bank 2017 Note: GDP Growth, Constant 2010 USD

Merhawi Kudus winning the white jersey at the 2017 Tour of Oman

Dimension Data's Merhawi Kudus loves nothing more than riding his bike, and now his trying to turn his ample talent into race results

By Gregor Brown | CyclingWeekly

Eritrean Merhawi Kudus sticks out, and rightfully so. The 23-year-old recently logged second place on a Valenciana mountain stage behind Nairo Quintana and battled with Fabio Aru, Rui Costa and Romain Bardet in the Tour of Oman. They are some of the best performances ever by a black professional cyclist.

Kudus comes from one of Africa’s poorest countries, with Eritrea reporting a GDP per capita of $754.90. Yet with his long, skinny toothpick-like limbs he will be riding with Quintana, Bardet, Aru and Alberto Contador – all from cycling-rich first-world countries – in the Abu Dhabi Tour. And this is expected to be the start of Kudus’s winning season.

“I can’t explain it,” he tells Cycling Weekly of his motivation. “It’s not about a contract or winning. It’s my habit, it doesn’t matter the race.

“When I jump on the bike to ride, I really enjoy it. Since I was a kid, I was really dreaming to be professional racing in Europe. I have it now. Now, I am dreaming of being a Grand Tour stage winner or taking another big win. That’s my dream.”

He is one of only a handful black African professionals. He and fellow Eritrean Daniel Teklehaimanot became the first black African professionals to race in the Tour de France in 2015, with Steve Cummings picking up a stage win on Nelson Mandela Day for their South African MTN-Qhubeka team.

MTN was promoted to WorldTour level in 2016 where they continue to race as Dimension Data, now boasting new names like Mark Cavendish. That top-tier licence opens the door for it to race in any event, and Kudus has now completed all three Grand Tours, including the Vuelta a España twice, and raced against every star.

“Now, it’s Aru and Bardet,” Kudus says of his star rivals. “Races like Valenciana are definitely motivating, especially with Quintana, who is already world-class among the GC contenders.”

A long way from Musanze

Kudus – with his welcoming smile, brown skin and cropped frizzy hair – came a long way from Eritrea. The third-world country is rich is cycling culture thanks partly to Italian colonisation, but struggles to support any sort of infrastructure enjoyed by budding US or British cyclists.

When I first met Kudus, it was at the 2012 Tour of Rwanda racing for the UCI World Cycling Centre’s African branch. He blasted away to win the first road stage and nearly won the race overall. He only folded under pressure from the South Africa team.

One night when the race arrived in Musanze, famous for its gorillas living in the volcanic hillsides, I went to interview to Kudus in his room. It was filled with a jasmine or lavender scent from an oil one of his team-mates used to massage the other’s legs. Four of them bunked in the same room that night.

He mostly only spoke his local Tigrinya language at that time. He was shy and quiet, but had that same hair, smile and motivation you see today.

A young Merhawi Kudus in action at the 2012 Tour of Rwanda

Afterwards, the head coach of the team and the Africa centre, J.P. Van Zyl stopped me in the hallway. “This kid, 18 years old, he’s going places,” Van Zyl said. “He’s a born cyclist. He was born with a brain for cycling.”

“I remember that,” Kudus says. “It was one of the first times out of my country, after only going to South Africa first.

“Everything was quite difficult for me. The communication, the food in the races. I’d only been to South Africa for three months and then we went to Rwanda.”

A couple of pieces fell into place for Kudus. First, he earned chance to race and train at UCI’s main development centre in Switzerland and second, at the same time in South Africa, Doug Ryder was slowly building the MTN-Qhubeka team that would offer many Africans a path into the professional ranks.

Tour success

Kudus bases himself in Lucca, Italy, with the Dimension Data team and many other professionals, but he calls Asmara, the capital city of Eritrea in Africa’s east, home.

He lives in the city situated on a rocky plateau at 2325 metres. It is ideal because he sleeps at altitude and trains below. He cuts through the palm-lined streets with elegant buildings reminiscent of southern Italy and descends switchbacked roads resembling those you would see in the Alps. He will ride to Massawa along the Red Sea and back up to the Kebessa Plateau.

“In December, when I was riding in the early mornings, there would be fog and it would cover the plain,” he continues. “I really enjoy those months. I ride through the fog and you cannot see in front of you. And then I descend into the sunshine.”

When Doug Ryder received the wildcard invitation from the Tour de France, he wanted to make sure his team consisted of home riders as well as Europeans like Cummings. Kudus, then 21, made the nine-man team.

He was the youngest rider of the 2015 Tour, which was a success for Eritrea’s debutants. Teklehaimanot wore the polka-dot mountains jersey for four days, the first African to do so. The Eritreans following the Tour sang and danced loudly in their country’s colours.

Merhawi Kudus receives the adulation of Eritrean fans at the 2015 Tour de France (Credit: Sunada)

The duo returned to a hero’s welcome, paraded through Asmara’s streets and greeted at the national stadium by President Isaias Afwerki. State television ERI-TV beamed the images live around Eritrea. Kudus’s popularity remains high.

“The big thing is communication when he’s back in Eritrea,” says Dimension Data coach Trevor Court. “They have to go to internet cafes and telephones don’t work at times.

“Sometimes, it’ll be a week or two until I can get training data from him and then it’s too late to make a change. Now, he’s going to the internet cafe to send his data almost every day. We are used to having internet all the time to interact. It’s a big difference there in Eritrea.”

“It’s totally different than Europe, where the internet is fast,” explains Kudus. “We have normal telephone signals, but we don’t have data. If you need internet, you can go to the internet cafe.

“That’s why I really like my country, because I need to be off the internet. We spend too much time on it.

“In Eritrea, I’ll go and check my e-mail and send my training files, but I’ll never chat. When you are in Europe, you are with your phone 24 hours a day. In Eritrea, you can switch off, no WhatsApp, just time with your family and friends. You can read a book or watch TV, or walk some where. We are not busy by the internet. I like it.”

Eritrea retains many Italian touches from the days when it was colonised. Cycling is one of them. Kudus’s dad started him down the road. He has one sister and four brothers, his younger 14-year-old brother shares the same desire.

The country has many local races and boasts around 1800 registered cyclists. At night, you can turn on the television at 9pm for news in the Tigrinya language. And every night, the general news is followed by sport: first cycling, then running and football.

“Asmara is really small, but I’m usually quite lazy after training so I use the car just to get to the internet cafe. Also because people are celebrating the cyclists and you have to hide out. If you’re walking around or on your bicycle, everybody stops you, so you have to hide and that’s easier with the car. In the coffee shop, I am left alone. I will give the owners five minutes or so of my time for photos. When I am busy, I have to secretive.”

The Lucca learning curve

Kudus and Dimension Data call Lucca home in Europe. He lives with Natnael Berhane in the small Tuscan town with around 50,000 inhabitants spread out from the city’s famous oval piazza. Mekseb Debesay is near by. Also Daniel Teklehaimanot, who now has his wife and child living with him.

Some Eritreans from Milan will travel to Tuscany with care packages and support every so often. Kudus relies on them, his team-mates, and of course Dimension Data’s support. He speaks some Italian. And his English, like his riding, has improved tremendously.

“I’ve been there for three years and it feels like my second home. I know where I can go and have fun. I’m alone, but not lonely,” he says.

“A girlfriend? Not yet. They call me because when I was in Eritrea, there were many ladies. That’s part of life, but I haven’t got it right yet. It’s not like cycling. It’s harder than winning a grand tour stage!”

Dimension Data scheduled him in several week-long stage races through the spring and summer. From Abu Dhabi, he heads to Europe and will race the País Vasco next. His programme includes the Tour de Romandie, the Tour of California, the Tour de Suisse, and some races like Coppi e Bartali.

“He’s keen to follow the big guys, staying with Contador and Quintana motivates him,” Court says.

“Over time he’s become more calculated. He’s so feisty, though. At the start, he would go after everything. It’s taken some time for him to learn to be calculating.”

Kudus agrees: “Yeah, you have to be calculated. You have to go off of power and watts.

“In the past, I’d follow any guys until there was a big explosion and afterwards I wouldn’t even be able to ride my tempo. So you just need to sit there riding close, but not in the red. Stay in the yellow.”

After the all Grand Tour experiences, Dimension Data wants him to gain experience winning. That will start with smaller stage races at the HC or WorldTour level.

And he has already found success this season at the Tour of Oman, where he took the white jersey for best young rider.

“This is my first white jersey as a professional,” he says. “For a professional under 25, it is quite hard.”

“He’s a super light rider who can win grand tour stages,” Court continues. “It’ll be interesting to see what he can do in the general classification in the coming years.

“We wanted him to be the first black African in those races, and in the Tour he placed 10th in the youth GC at 21 years old. He has a huge bag of experience already. Now he needs to win Oman or Austria, hard mountain stage races.

“Seeing Merhawi prosper is huge for the team. He’s rough, it’s been chipping away at the rocks and finding the diamond. Ever year he’s seeing improvements. He’s sees that he is getting closer.”

“When I was with J.P. in Africa, it was easy for me to win. In my first tours in Africa or Rwanda, I’d get the white jersey or the yellow jersey, and stage wins…

“When I went to the UCI centre in Switzerland, it was quiet hard to face new riders and the big bunches, and other things, but I had good results. I won some, like the Tour de Côte-d’Or overall in France. I had good experiences.

“Now, I have Nathan Haas or Tyler Farrar, even Cavendish, all of them have good experience. You can gain new ideas and experience from them. I’m improving from year to year.”

Kudus adds that it is time for podiums in stage races and the “big wins. … That’s my dream.”

By Matt Hadro | Catholic News Agency

Washington D.C., Feb 16, 2017 / 10:44 am (CNA/EWTN News).- One member of Congress is hoping for a “serious policy review” by the Trump administration of the United States' relationship with Ethiopia, citing human rights abuses by the government there.

“To truly stop violence abroad, Ethiopia must stop violence at home,” Rep. Chris Smith, chair of the House subcommittee on Africa and global human rights, stated at a press conference outside the U.S. Capitol building on Wednesday.

“Since 2005, untold thousands of students have been jailed, have been shot during demonstrations or have simply disappeared in the last 11 years,” Smith stated Feb. 15. “Ethiopia’s next generation is being taught that the rights that democracy normally bestows on a country’s citizens don’t apply in their country.”

Smith and Rep. Mike Coffman (R-Colo.) introduced a House resolution (H. Res. 128) Wednesday “highlighting the crisis in Ethiopia due to government violations of the human rights of its citizens,” Smith stated.

“With this resolution, we are showing that the United States remains committed to universal respect for human rights, and that we will not tolerate continued abuse of those human rights by Ethiopian security forces,” Coffman said.

There has been a “steady erosion” of democracy in Ethiopia since 2005, the congressmen maintained.

Government dissidents have been jailed, citizens have been tortured and killed by the government's security forces, and freedom of the press has been infringed upon. Ethnic groups have been the victims of violence perpetrated by the government.

Peaceful protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions of the country were met with hundreds of killings and tens of thousands of arrests by security forces in 2016, Human Rights Watch said in its recent report on the country. Citizens released from jail claimed they were tortured while in custody.

“Instead of addressing the numerous calls for reform in 2016, the Ethiopian government used excessive and unnecessary lethal force to suppress largely peaceful protests,” Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch, stated in the report released in January.

One protest in the Oromia region resulted in the police using tear gas, rubber bullets, and rounds fired into the air to break it up, claiming that the crowd was getting out of hand. An ensuing stampede killed 50. The Inter-religious Council of Ethiopia, on which Catholic leaders sit, called for prayer and peace amid the protests and asked government leaders to listen to the people.

The recent protests in the Amhara region of the country have showed a sense of “identity” on the part of embattled citizens, and their “need to survive,” Tewodrose Tirfe of the Amhara Association of America, a refugee who came to the U.S. in 1982, noted.

“The U.S. and the West cannot sympathize with a government that kills people,” Seenaa Jimjimo, a human rights advocate who was born and grew up in Ethiopia, insisted in her statement at Wednesday’s press conference.

Amidst protests, a state of emergency was declared by the state in October and is “being used as a method to crack down even further on basic human freedoms,” Coffman said.

Thus, the resolution is the “first step by our representatives to let the Ethiopian government know that the U.S. policy is changing, that their continued human rights violations on innocent civilians will not be tolerated,” Tirfe stated.

“We invoke the Global Magnitsky Act,” Gregory Simpkins, staff director of the House subcommittee on Africa, said on Wednesday of the law which enables sanctions against specific “entities and persons who violate the human rights of people.”

Ethiopia has acted as a key ally in fighting international terrorism, Smith noted, but if it fails to protect human rights at home then extremism could fester within its own borders.

“What Congressman Smith and I are asking is for the Congress of the United States to join together and pass this resolution condemning the Ethopian government for its human rights abuses,” Coffman stated.

“And I think it’s important for all Americans to care about human rights to encourage their member of Congress to co-sponsor this resolution so that we can pass it in the Congress.”

Joshua Hammer continues to write outdated errors to sensationalize his stories on Eritrea

By Sophia Tesfamariam | Shabait

The term “fake news” is not new, but it was Donald Trump, during his first press conference that the term “fake news” broke out of media discussions and into the mainstream. “You are fake news!” he pointed at CNN’s Jim Acosta. The President has been calling out major media outlets several times a week for being ‘FAKE NEWS’ through his Twitter feed – and seems to single out CNN and the New York Times. He once wrote:

“…They [the New York Times] got me wrong right from the beginning and still have not changed course, and never will. DISHONEST…”

Eritreans could say the same about the New York Times and other establishment media in Europe and the United States, in what seems to be an obsessive campaign to cement a negative narrative on Eritrea through articles, books, scholarly journals and even movies and video games. They have gotten Eritrea wrong from the beginning and still have not changed course and probably never will. I don’t know that they are being dishonest, but certainly it is a disservice to their readers and it is stories like that of Joshua Hammer’s latest piece on Eritrea that contribute to the fake news that abounds today and the distrust of the mainstream media.

Like many of his predecessors, a visit to Eritrea, has come to mean an excuse to repeat debunked narratives, and should not be confused with a visit that half way attempts to verify or provide context or concrete facts or give a better understanding of Eritrea’s challenges and opportunities. His article on Eritrea is a rehash of unsubstantiated allegations against the country made by parachuting journalists and a well-orchestrated and well-oiled vilification campaign by Ethiopia, its handlers and surrogates, the mainstream media, Guardian and New York Times in the lead, who partnered with a network of non-descript “human rights” and “democracy” groups funded by the National Endowment for Democracy and the George Soros Open Society who mushroomed in cyberspace in the after math of the 1998-2000 Eritrea Ethiopia border conflict.

This author will try once again to educate readers on the issues raised by Joshua Hammer in his New York Times piece on Eritrea. Hammer writes:

“…This impoverished nation in the Horn of Africa — bordered by Ethiopia, Djibouti, Sudan and the Red Sea — was once considered among the continent’s brightest hopes…”

This line is almost always used by the perpetrators of fake news about Eritrea. What does it actually mean? Who are the folks that “considered Eritrea to be amongst the continents brightest hopes”? Truth be told, are they not the same folks who have contributed to the negative narratives on Eritrea? Are they not the same individuals/states and groups that have burned the midnight oil trying to isolate Eritrea and dash the peoples’ hopes? As for being “impoverished”, that too does not jive with the reality on the ground and does not account for the hostile environment that Eritrea has been forced into for the last 15 years. It does not account for the economic and political pressure through illegally imposed US-Ethiopia engineered sanctions and the 15 year long Ethiopian occupation of sovereign Eritrean territories in violation of the final and binding Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission’s delimitation and demarcation decisions.

Unlike some of its neighbors that rely almost entirely on humanitarian and development aid to support their national budgets and mitigate any crop shortfall, Eritrea relies mainly on its own human and natural resources. In spite of a fragile ecological environment and recurrent droughts, Eritrea manages to feed its own people and having worked in earnest to develop its water security infrastructure, it has been able to dodge the effects of climate change and has not had to deal with drought conditions found in the region. Eritrea is also one of a handful of nations in sub-Saharan Africa that has achieved 6 of the 8 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Despite the negative speculations about Eritrea’s lucrative mining sector, today, it is growing and has attracted investors from around the world. No doubt it will provide the added impetus needed to jump start Eritrea’s economy. Eritrea is also blessed with comparative advantages in various sectors and in conducive conditions of regional peace, its potential for rapid and sustainable economic growth is considerable indeed.

Joshua Hammer, like his predecessors, writes about the National Service Program in Eritrea, but instead of speaking to those who can provide him with insight on the program, he like his predecessors, bases his account on a few disgruntled voices (3 people in this story) that he just happens to run into during his voyage. There are thousands who are participating in the NSP and serving in various capacities throughout the country as teachers, engineers, surveyors, small and big machine operators etc. etc. and thousands working at Eritrea’s nascent institutions, yet, these visiting journalists seem to find just the persons that can provide the soundbites to fit the desired narratives. Hammer’s insertion of the views of a visiting Eritrean from Norway is calculated, and meant to drive in the notion that the feelings of Eritreans is universal, not limited to those “stuck” in the country.

Hammer does not bother to write about the asylum policies that have contributed to the luring of Eritrea’s youth with false promises of greener pastures in Europe and the United States. Hammer says the youth want to flee, but does not tell the horrific stories of what they encounter once they leave Eritrea. He does not write about the horrors of life in the various UNHCR funded camps found in Ethiopia and neighboring states. He does not tell about the organized trafficking rings that operate in these countries and beyond. He does not write about the dire fate of those who arrive on Europe’s doorsteps, desperate and destitute, only to be rejected and placed in detention centers and camps for years on end. No, that would not fit the desired narrative. By the way, if by accident or by some freak chance, these fake news journalists run into someone that does not agree with them, the usual label is that they are a “government spy”, “close to the leadership”, or “member of the ruling party”…

As has been the norm with purveyors of fake news on Eritrea, Hammer confuses the Commission of Inquiry and the Special Rapporteur who produced the now rejected report on Eritrea, with the United Nations. It was this group that accused Eritrea of committing “crimes against humanity”, not the United Nations. Neither the COIE, nor Sheila Keetharuth, the Special Rapporteur, produced any evidence to support the outrageous allegations found in the report, which relied heavily on manufactured information provided by the minority regime in Ethiopia and sub-standard “research” provided by its surrogates in the Eritrean Quislings League (EQL). Hammer also neglects to mention the fact that the Commission of Inquiry was disbanded in July 2016, its findings rejected by the UN Human Rights Council, and also the fact that whilst the mandate of Sheila Keetharuth, the Special Rapporteur, was extended for a year, her credibility and reputation, and of the intuitions that she has been associated with, have suffered a devastating blow. Her report to the

UN Third Committee in October

2016 was rejected.

Hammer also wrote:

“…Its leaders have been sanctioned by the United Nations for providing aid to Al Shabaab, the Islamic terrorist group in Somalia. (The United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea reported in 2012 that the government, under international pressure, had ended its direct support of the group.)…”

This is yet another example of lazy journalism. The US-engineered sanctions, a continuation of a very hostile policy of appeasement and legal attrition of the EEBC’s decisions, were transparent in their motives. They were orchestrated to give the regime in Ethiopia a win that it could not get in its US-backed bloody war of aggression and expansion, or through legal arbitration. The illegal, unfair and unjust sanctions should be seen in this context. The desperate agenda led to equally desperate means and as the record below will show, the usage of manufactured facts, outright lies, and deliberate deceptions that mark the ugly US-Ethiopia saga that used Somalia as a pretext.

Ever since the US-backed Ethiopian invasion and occupation of Somalia, Eritrea has been placed in the position of being presumed guilty and was asked to disprove the SEMG’s allegations. Eritrea was asked to prove that it did not support terrorism, that it did not arm groups-specifically Al Shabbab in Somalia, that it did not have Eritrean forces “fighting alongside the ICU” etc. etc. Here are facts that could help put the sanctions into context:

The Monitoring Group • said, in its first submissions, that there were “2000 Eritrean forces” fighting alongside the Union of Islamic Courts in 2006. This turned out to be a lie fabricated by the Ethiopian regime.

The Monitoring Group • again said, in November 2011 prior to UNSC Sanctions Resolution 2023, that Eritrea was the owner of a plane that made several trips to Mogadishu to deliver arms to insurgents there. The false information provided to the SEMG came from “Ethiopian intelligence”… the list is long.

Fortunately, time has exposed the many outrageous lies and fabrications. (SEMG reports these days acknowledge the fallacy of the Al-Shebaab dimension). Wikileak cables have also shed light on the underhanded shenanigans that took place in the Horn and the extraordinary efforts of various US officials in the Obama and Bush Administrations who worked in tandem with the Monitoring Group, the US Mission at the United Nations and with surrogate regimes in the Horn, to use the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). The WikiLeaks cables also expose an ugly record of arms twisting, lying and extraordinary coordination by US Ambassadors in the region and members of the Ethiopian government including its Prime Minister to get “stand alone sanctions” against the State of Eritrea using Somalia as a pretext. Fake news contributed to the illegal sanctions against the State of Eritrea and its people.

Omission of facts is what contributes to distortions found in fake news. For instance, Hammer claims in his report that “According to the government guides” he spoke to, “the country received fewer than 1,000 tourists in 2015”. Hammer could have gotten the exact numbers had he consulted those who have the information, but by telling his readers his sources were “government guides”, he figures he can get away with it.

The fact is that thousands of Eritreans who reside in Africa, Europe and the United States visit Eritrea annually. Immigration figures show that there were 29,518 foreigners and 112,882 nationals residing abroad who visited the country last year (2016); the year Eritrea celebrated its 25th Independence Anniversary. Hammer deliberately omitted that fact because it could not jive with the narrative that he was trying to advance. As Donald Trump would say, this is DISHONEST!

The era of journalists as purveyors of the truth has long ended and it behooves all to be weary of fake news as it can cause great harm…

By Mela Ghebremedhin

Taking a ‘last minute’ short trip out of Asmara is the best way to enjoy a break, a change of air, a change from one’s routine. Travelling within the country is common for Eritreans. Some would go on pilgrimages, hiking, on a barbecue party or visiting relatives in the countryside. Many others would take the time to go down to the Port City of Massawa to breathe the air of the Red Sea and that’s what I did last weekend. Truly, I realized once again that an unplanned trip always offers the best outcome!

On top of that, an important part of the population goes on the longest fasting period of the year until Geez Easter starting this past Monday, commonly known as tsom arba’a.

Hence, this last weekend was a must for those fasting to enjoy before entering more than forty days of chastity. And, to my surprise, Massawa was packed with tourists, young couples, newly-weds, groups of youngsters, associations and even companies on their yearly gathering. Wonderful to see the city filled with people. The chilly season didn’t stop anyone from jumping into the Red Sea, while some played football and volleyball by the beach.

Another reason so many decided to drop everything and have a holiday have a holiday also due to the starting of domestic flights in Eritrea, making the journey easier and also a discovery to many. Of course, I was on one of those flights. Red Sea Air, the flag carrier of Eritrea, started its domestic flights on the 4th of February linking Asmara to Massawa, Assab and Sawa. Wonderful, isn’t it?

The seats were full, children with their parents were the happiest on board. Many couples were enjoying the moment, holding hands. Eritrean pilots were solicited for photos by a group of mothers proudly saying “adjokhum eziom dekina”, literally translated as “be courageous our children”.

Many won’t probably understand and wonder “why all this enthusiasm?”… Actually, being able to offer domestic flights to citizens, tourists and investors is a challenge a country has to tackle. Giving the choice to use different means of transportation not only eases the burden on road traffic but also shortens distances.

Without doubt from a touristic point of view, going by the road allows one to visit different towns, take the time to stopover and visit different sites. One great option is to go by the road and come back by air and this is what I did last weekend.

Going back to “Why all this enthusiasm”. It is a particular symbol for Eritreans and Eritrea to be able to fly over within the land. It is an important part of branding the nation, a way to let local citizens have access to affordable air tickets while ensuring their safety. A local flight, a local plane with local staff, what else can one ask for?

Further to this, places such as Sawa and Assab are now becoming easier to reach. Especially Assab, which feels so far away from the rest of the country can now be visited easily! No need to take the long route under the heat of the Danakil. Parents can easily reach Sawa and visit their children Sawa Training and Educational Centre.

Being able to embark on one of those flights allowed me to see with my own eyes the development and service available. As such, a great surprise. The willingness of the staff of Eritrean Airlines to give the best services couldn’t be denied. Indeed, as I didn’t buy my ticket in advance, I just dropped by the Eritrean Airlines office on Sunday, five minutes away from Dahlak Hotel in Massawa. A lady and her two young assistants welcomed me and other visitors with a smile ready to answer our questions. Lucky me, some seats were still available to Asmara.

After buying my ticket for 366 Nakfa and 50 Nakfa for tax fares, the company provides a luggage storage allowing one to go to the port city and enjoy a meal or a visit before time is up without having to carry our belongings. By 2.30 pm, a shuttle bus came to pick us up by the office to go to Massawa Airport.

Upon arrival, the staff welcomed us by the door of the airport, a newly built with the latest facility. After checking in our luggage and security checks, a high standardized waiting lounge wass ready for passengers to commute. Smartphones and cameras were quickly out, everyone smiling at the cameras and capturing the moment of “I am inside Massawa Airport”.Finally, the plane arrived, everyone rushed to the windows glass making sure that they don’t miss a second. The plane landed safely, passengers from Asmara quickly walked down the plane. Later on, it was our turn to embark, kids ran with their back packs moving from one side to the other of their back. “I am first, I am first” they shouted. While lovers slowly get closer to the aircraft with a bit of nostalgia, “our trip is over, back to reality’ some murmured but as soon as they sat down, with seat belt fastened, excitement again.

The co-pilot welcomed us on board both in English and Tigrigna. A pleasure to my ears to hear one of Eritrea’s local languages by a local pilot in a local airplane. At that exact time, every felt a sense of pride and realized we were experiencing flying on a domestic flight.

Finally, I was able to have an aerial view of Eritrea’s landscape. The peaks of the mountains piercing the thick clouds and quicker than expected, in just about 15 minutes after we were airborne, a plateau on top of the mountains where Asmara stands started to be seen. A Wonderful view of the city. After a round-up, time for landing. “Seatbelt fasten, bi gobo inte’atequ”, told the co-pilot before thanking us for flying with Massawa Airways.

A wonderful first experience with an Eritrean domestic flight and surely the beginning of many more. Eritrean Airlines is putting the standards high in ensuring professionalism and security to its passengers which is a pleasure to local passengers.

Certainly, in my next to-do list, it will be a trip from Asmara to Assab. Until then, what are you waiting for? Book your own ticket now!

For detailed information, visit the Head Office at Eritrea Airlines by the Cathedral in Asmara or neat SDahlak Hotel in Massawa.

Contact details:
Tel. 291-1-125500 or 125501 (Asmara)
Tel. 291-1-552576 (Massawa)
Adult fare in ERN Under 18 fare in ERN Infant fare in ERN
Asmara-Massawa-Asmara 600.00 402 60.00
Asmara-Massawa 360.00 212.00 36.00
Massawa-Assab-Massawa 1,010.00 697.00 101.00
Massawa-Assab 680.00 436.00 68.00
Asmara-Assab-Asmara 1,200.00 801.00 120.00
Asmara-Assab 760.00 510.00 76.00
Asmara-Sawa-Asmara 800.00 536.00 80.00
Asmara-Sawa 480.00 320.00 48.00

By Shabait

A total of 1,460 members of the 30th round National Service of technical schools in Sawa who have been attending a 6-month military training graduated on February 18.

Speaking at the graduation ceremony, the Commander of Sawa National Service Training Centre, Col. Debesai Gide, congratulated the graduates and said that the batch including 689 females are from 7 technical schools. he also lauded the female graduates in particular for their active participation in successfully accomplishing the military, political and physical training courses provided to them.

Artistic performance and military parade were staged by members of the 30th round National Service.
Prizes were also awarded to winners, outstanding trainees and trainers.

Also speaking on the occasion, Brig. General Tekle Libsu, Commander of the National Training Centre of the Eritrean Defence Forces congratulated the graduates and called on them to live up to the nation’s expectations.

Pointing out that the government’s substantial investments towards nurturing mentally and physically fit youths equipped with pertinent knowledge and skills have borne fruitful outcome and called on the graduates to effectively apply the skills they had acquired.

Present on the occasion were students of Warsai-Ykealo Secondary School and the Sawa National Service Training Centre.

In another report, Brig. Gen. Tekle Libsu, Commander of the Eritrean Defense Forces Training Center, conducted seminar for the 30th round National Service participants on the objectives of the national service and the progress of national development endeavors.

Reporter Billion interviewing Wedi Tikul

By Billion Temesghen

The Eritrean armed struggle is mostly known for surpassing the conventional form of ‘war’ and setting a path of its own whereby every national participated in a historical, humanitarian and cultural revolution. Tons of books should be written on the endless aspects that made the Eritrean Armed Struggle rare in the history of humans, but, for today, I present you an interview with a veteran freedom fighter, singer and song writer and see if we can get an unpretentious look at the concept of arts (music in particular) during the Eritrean armed struggle for independence; while on the way we get to know veteran freedom fighter and singer Wedi Tikul.

-Thank you for being on our page Wedi Tikul, you are commonly known by your nick name…

It’s true. I rarely hear my name anymore; my name is Tekle KifleMariam and I was born and raised in a village called Tikul. When I joined the armed struggle I was baptized with the nickname that completely took over my name. It was common for freedom fighters to bring up nicknames; we did it sort of for fun, plus since we were all young we naturally enjoyed doing such things for giggles. My nick name originated from the name of my home village, the Tikul boy, but nicknames would be easily brought up by almost everything: funny incidents, one’s looks, habits or special occasions.

-When did you join the liberation movement?

In 1976 going on 1977, and I was 17 years old.

-Did you always want to be a singer? Like a childhood dream or something?

Absolutely not. I didn’t even know I could sing. However, I knew how to pull some kirrar strings. After military training we got placed in our respective units and I would simply play some songs for my comrades.

Back then our people had no freedom to document history in books. So instead, we have many legends and their folk music with metaphorical lyrics that preached freedom, the peoples’ longing for independence and exhaustion of continuous torment on every national. Those songs were like our gospels; they touched the deepest of every national’s heart. Therefore when all of us young freedom fighters away from our families would sit and think of home, those songs gave us hope and consolation. And in that moment… when we would simply sit together under a small desert tree shade and we would cheer up each other and entertain ourselves.

-So how did you exactly become the singer you now are?

The front had a strong vision. In times of no war, everybody would go to school under big trees, we would also go to work, do cultural events and sports even… and just do about every activity that ordinary people would normally do. So the front was extremely rich in human resources; we had doctors, engineers, pharmacists, professionals of all sorts. The front had people from all walks of life, starting from professors and PhD holders of top universities to peasants who never saw a single letter all their lives. Nevertheless, we all contributed greatly in the things we knew.

And so I was told to sing, my comrades told me to sing for them. I was not a musician nor was I a lyricist ever before but those who had a musical hunch would assist me in making sense out of my Kirrar strings. That is how it worked. We all contributed, and there was no such thing as private ownership or private idea, lyrics or track… absolutely not. All of the songs I sang then are not mine. They are ours; my comrades and I contributed equally. Even the artist I am today is not an accomplishment of my own but of my brothers and sisters many of whom are martyrs I left behind… my comrades made me.

-Help me understand how the front tackled cultural affairs

Okay. I was singing for my unit and along with comrades who had the talent to sing we were chosen to form a band for our brigade. Similarly every brigade in the front, which were 3 in total, would each accordingly set up a band. The bands had the task to entertain the freedom fighters in the front and nationals around the country and abroad.

We would also do inter-brigade tours, where we would do tours amongst the brigades. It was so beautiful and rich in cultural diversity. When needed, the 3 troops would join hands and form one single cultural troupe for tours outside of the country.

-You did tours abroad during the armed struggle?

Sure thing we did! I first visited Europe, the Middle East and America with my freedom fighter typical afro hair and Congo plastic sandals!

-Unbelievable! Can you tell me more?

The front had strong and intense networks. You know, to begin with, going out of the liberated areas and organizing cultural shows for the people with enemy’s soldiers hovering over our people is not easy, not for us or for the civilians. But we did it anyways. Our people missed us greatly, and they’d do anything for even a single hour of reunion with us… we were all the people’s children. They loved us incredibly. Therefore we did tours within the liberated or almost liberated areas in the country and countless of people would come from every corner of the country as if it was a pilgrimage.

And for our people outside, with the help of EPLF offices all over the world, we would plan tours that sometimes lasted multiple months. We would pack our instruments and cross the borders simply to tell everyone that we were doing okay in the burning mountains of Sahel and deserts of our country.

-What would you normally sing of?

The themes of our songs were vast and not complicated but carried messages of hope, homesickness, victory, pride in our fallen heroes and more. Some of the songs told of our battles and our war days, some of memories of home, some were entertaining and some very emotional. The themes were simple to grasp but had within them divine significance. Contemporary big mouths dare to call them propaganda songs, but I would like to use this occasion to vow otherwise. Those themes had no intention of propagating anything at all; they were letters to our people.

-What about the studios for recordings… Did you record in the field?

Yes we did. You are probably imagining sound proof recording systems with high tech equipment, but no, we had small recording gadgets accompanied by video recordings. We play and someone records. In 1978 with the launching of Radio Dimtsi Hafash things got a lot better.

-Music now and then

I don’t even dare to compare them. Sometimes I feel guilt for the fact that soon after independence, we, my self-included, focused more on the profits. Nothing can top the artistic production of the armed struggle, it encompassed the passion, vision and devotion of many.

I have so far published 7 albums and I try to do remakes of my old songs as much as I can, while staying true to patriotic and national themes, which again, are not propaganda but simply themes of development, peace and stability.

-A message to young artists

The first generation of artists after independence have still a hold of patriotic themes and I hope the second generation, too, will be able to follow the senior’s footsteps and express the profound history of our armed struggle comprised in forms of art.

-At the end

I want to remind young people: journalists like yourself, artists, historians and whomever else, to keenly document the Eritrean struggle for independence and development.

By Team Dimension Data

The 4th stage, and Queen stage of the Tour de Langkawi couldn’t have gone any better for Team Dimension Data for Qhubeka as Mekseb Debesay won a top the Cameron Highlands. Cameron Bayley (IsoWhey Sports) was 2nd with our African Team’s race leader, Ryan Gibbons taking third on the stage and kept the overall race lead.

The 4th stage of the Tour de Langkawi was always touted as the Queen stage of this year’s race with the 30km climb up to the Cameron Highlands set to be the main decider for the overall classification. Team Dimension Data for Qhubeka couldn’t have asked for a better day, controlling the peloton for the first 140km of the stage, Nic Dougall and Adrien Niyonshuti were incredible.

When it came to the final 30km climb, the experience of Jacques Janse van Rensburg helped guide Gibbons, Debesay and Ben O’Connor in the lead group. As the peloton slowly started to lose numbers, the quartet from our African Team held firm. With 5km to go, the main group was down to just 15 riders and all 4 Team Dimension Data for Qhubeka were there, and in control.

The Colombian climbers in the group set a tough pace over the closing kilometers which whittled the group down further still. Gibbons would lose contact with the leaders periodically but Janse van Rensburg was on hand to drop back and pace him back to the head of the race. The most telling attack came at 1km to go when Bayley made a surge for victory. Debesay was onto him in a flash though and as a small gap opened up, Debesay was in a prime position sitting on the Australian’s wheel.

As they reached the final 150m, Debesay was able to kick around Bayley to take a fantastic victory. Today’s stage win is the first professional win for our 25-year old Eritrean. Gibbons led the main group home to take 3rd on the stage, and kept the overall race leader’s yellow jersey. O’Connor took 6th place, also a fine performance by the first year pro. Team Dimension Data for Qhubeka now have 3 riders in the top 10 overall and are in 2nd place in the team competition but joint on time with IsoWhey Sports.

Mekseb Debesay – Rider I am very happy. Today was not an easy day but for us that was very good. There were some very good riders on the final climb and they were attacking us but we did just what the team asked of us. The sprint finish was really good for me. With 1km to go the Iso rider attacked and I followed him. I was feeling comfortable and confident and right in the final I could beat him.

Ryan Gibbons – Rider Today went perfectly for us, the team was absolutely amazing. We sat on the front all day and in the final we had 4 of us up the climb. We couldn’t have asked for anything better, Mekseb 1st, me 3rd and keeping the jersey makes us all very happy. The last climb was really hard and I was in the red the whole time. I kept getting distanced but nobody committed when attacking so fortunately I could keep on getting back to the group, slowly but surely. Only right at the end Cam and Mekseb got away, I am happy with 3rd and to keep the jersey which we will hopefully keep right to the end now.

By Embassy Media

Possessing years of journalistic experience, particularly across Africa, Harper’s coverage of Eritrea has been a reinvigorating breath of fresh air; she avoids the tired clichés, nauseating stereotypes, and longstanding assumptions and distortions to provide an accurate, contextualized, more reliable account of Eritrea. Harper notes that “Eritrea…is very complex.” While this perspective and approach seems academic and straightforward for the exploration of any country, it is notable here because its acknowledgement is frequently lacking from most mainstream discussions about Eritrea.

These responses underscore how the discussion of Eritrea has long been framed and tightly controlled, with dissenting views and perspectives being sidelined, silenced, ignored, marginalized, or disregarded. However, rather than restriction, a broader range of views and perspectives, such as Harper’s, should be encouraged toward promoting constructive dialogue, increasing accuracy, enhancing reliability, and improving and enriching overall understanding.

While the EU seeks an agreement with Libya to halt the influx of migrants across the Mediterranean, the prospect of a better life elsewhere is what all in rural Ethiopia talk about.

By Enrico Caporale | WorldCrunch

AGARFA — A soldier chews on a leaf of khat, a mild stimulant, and spits it on the ground. "Hey you, ferenji, how much do you want to take me with you to Italy?" he asks me, laughing with his comrade. Ferenji means stranger in Amharic, Ethiopia’s official language.

In the small, far-flung town of Agarfa, in the province of Bale, the soldier is working security at an event organized by Medical Collaboration Committee (CCM), an Italian NGO. The CCM has come to this town, which lies 280 miles away from the capital of Addis Ababa, to educate locals on the risks of illegally migrating to Europe.

Mohammed, the local imam, asks to speak. "I haven’t heard back from four of my children," he says, holding back tears. "I know nothing, they’ve disappeared. I had warned them not to go."

Mohammed’s words clearly have an effect on those attending the meeting; the women around him hide behind their hijabs or begin to cry openly.

While the European Union seeks an agreement with Libya to halt the influx of migrants across the Mediterranean Sea, the prospect of a better life elsewhere is on everyone’s lips here in rural Ethiopia. Some have relatives in Europe, the United States, or in the Arab world; some have families stuck in migrant welcome centers in Libya; some have attempted the journey and were sent back; some cry over their loved ones who didn’t make it out; and some just want to leave.

According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the country’s strategic location in the Horn of Africa — the region comprising Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea, and Djibouti — and local political instability contributed to rising emigration from Ethiopia in recent years. There has been a growing exodus since 2015. About 740,000 Ethiopians now live abroad. Ethiopia itself is home to the largest number of refugees in Africa, housing 670,000 refugees in camps along its borders with Eritrea, South Sudan, and Somalia.

The province of Bale has one of the highest emigration rates in the country. Images of Italian soccer star Mario Balotelli are emblazoned on the tuk-tuks — known here as Bajaj — that fill the streets in the cities of Robe and Goba. People don’t seem to care that Balotelli is of Ghanaian origin and was born in Palermo; what matters is his success and the color of his skin.

"People leave because there’s no work here," says Abdulkadir Gazali, a 39-year-old father of five. "I tried going to Saudi Arabia three times, but they always sent me back."

It might appear easy to leave as long as you have money to pay smugglers.

"It costs 400 to 600 euros ($420 to $640) to reach an Arab country," says Waldayese, head of immigration at Bale’s department of social affairs.

The price for migrating to Europe is much higher. It can cost up to 4,000 euros ($4,245). The entire practice is illegal, of course.

"Young people collect the necessary funds by selling livestock or working in the fields," says Waldayese.

Ethiopian migrants arriving in Italy — Photo: Alfonso Di Vincenzo/Pacific Press/ZUMA

Most emigration occurs in the first few months of the year — after the coffee harvest. In some cases, migrants receive the funds from their parents or from friends and relatives who’ve already made the journey successfully. While many Ethiopians manage to reach foreign shores, others vanish without a trace. They drown at sea or die of thirst in the desert. Others are abused and killed by traffickers, or simply disappear.

Traffickers, called dallala, are easy to get in touch with even though they face the death penalty if they’re caught. Smuggling networks reach everywhere, even into remote towns like Agarfa, and the system is straightforward. A local broker puts the person wishing to migrate in touch with a dallala in Addis Ababa, who in turn provides the necessary documents for the journey and finds another contact in the desired destination.

To reach Gulf states, migrants travel through Djibouti, Yemen, and then Saudi Arabia. In the coastal Djiboutian city of Obock, located just across the Gulf of Aden from Yemen, the migrant smuggling business is worth millions of dollars.

Reaching Europe is more complicated, and the journey includes several steps. First, migrants travel to the town of Metemma on the border with Sudan, where they join other smugglers in crossing the Sahara desert into Libya. Once they reach, Libyan traffickers bring them to the Mediterranean coast, where they are loaded onto overflowing rafts for the final leg of their desperate journey.

"In Bale, we try to reduce the causes of illegal migration to a minimum through events like the one in Agarfa," says Stefano Bolzonello, the head of the local project at CCM. "Along with another Italian NGO named International Cooperation (Coopi), we incentivize the development of micro-businesses to provide employment opportunities to young people."

Radiya Abdar, 28, found employment through this project. "In 2010 I left for Kuwait. I was told I could earn a lot of money there," she says. "I ended up working as a servant for 100 euros ($106) a month and worked for four different families but they were all the same."

"They took my passport and freedom," she says, adding that she finally managed to get back to Ethiopia. "They called me kaddama, slave."

TPLF leaders Debretsion Gebremichael and Abay Woldu

The predicament of Woyane:- when the destabilizer ends up being destabilized

By Tecle Abraham Habtemicael

When Somalia collapsed in 1990 and imploded into clan based civil war for 27 years, the Derg was celebrating the success of its destabilizing policy against the Somalis. According to a recently publicised research study (professor Belete Belachew Yilhun) based on the analysis of previously secret official documents of the regimes foreign ministry, Somalia was indeed destroyed by Ethiopia`s clandestine destabilizing operations. The Minority TPLF has been using exactly this obviously successful policy in Somalia to destroy Eritrea. Actually Woyane had deployed more resources and have powerful supporters than Derg to make it a success. But to the dismay of the TPLF not only it has not work at all, but in a paradoxical way is working against its very own survival as a regime.

The figurehead PM of Woyane`s regime in a recent speech he made during his visit to the troubled Wolquait area up in arms against its illegal incorporation into Tigrai Kelel, after openly admitting his failing policies towards Eritrea, indicated that a new policy is under consideration. For many who are familiar with the politics of Woyane, although they found it uncharacteristic of the bombastic Woyane to openly admit its defeat, they see nothing changing. For some however, it is an indication of war. In my opinion, one need to figure out what he actually meant by his admission of a failing policy, before tackling the question of what else more it can do to continue destabilizing Eritrea.

Anyone who has followed the Woyane`s foreign policy towards Eritrea understands how much resources and efforts it has invested during the last 20 years to destabilize Eritrea. Diplomatically, economically, politically, militarily, security wise, migration wise has done all it can to see Eritrea destabilized and finally turn it out like Somalia. One can easily trace the hand of Woyane in all the problems or constraints thrown out against Eritrea, especially the depletion of its of youth and the UN sanctions and investigations. Here, it is worth noting that Woyane has been the beneficiary of the unreserved support of the Obama administration. However, in spite of these enormous investments Woyane has failed to draw any benefit, let alone its desired wish of destabilized Eritrea. So, is the PM indicating a complete U-turn of policies and doing the right thing or has he something new up in his sleeves?

In answering this question, it is important to bear in mind the timing and context of the announcement. This figurehead PM knows perfectly well that it is heading a country languishing under state of emergency, because the people of Ethiopia in general and the oromos and amharas in particular have revolted against its rule. After 25 years, this minority regime's backward and cruel administration is under serious threat. Although there has been many armed groups for decades fighting this regime, this people's uprising has created the perfect storm to threaten the regime seriously. The very area, Wolquait, where the PM made the announcement is now turned into a battleground between the Woyane security forces and the armed farmers and armed oppositions. Despite its attempt to crackdown hard, the armed resistance is gaining momentum and following its sigmoid curve is expected to grow for all to see and notice.

The Woyanes actually are sensing the danger coming from an intensified military engagement with the armed oppositions. And they are specially worried with the military ramification of the TPDMs engagement. This group has two remarkable qualities that will have a critical bearing on the military threat against the regime. First, it is by and large a Tigraian armed group, although Ethiopians from all ethnicities are present. Secondly, it has a well-organized military capability; organized in divisions and with a fighting capability to wage conventional warfare. This militarily powerful group has been todate not actively engaged in the military activities in the north. This group had been militarily very active up to 2011/2012 in Tigrai, but since then has been not very active. Instead it has been organizing itself into a formidable military force by building up its all round capabilites that would enable it for a conventional strategic military thrust. By reading between the lines of a recent interview by the vice-chairman of the organization, one is left without doubt, what they are up to. Soon, any time they will come to military activities and it may turn out to be a game changer.

When the TPDM come into military action, Tigrai will be one of the major battlefield area. This will be for Woyane embarrassing on one hand and threatening on the other hand. It is to be recalled that, following the desertion of the organization`s incompetent chairman together with some tricked followers, Woyane made a propaganda fanfare of it and unwisely lied to the Ethiopian people and the world at large, that TPDM is finished and no longer exist. More importantly that Tigrai, the very home ground of TPLF, would turn to a battleground that would be too much of an embarrassment for Woyane to bear. Globally and regionally Woyane would lose face and all its standing and interventionist adventure in the Horn would be thrown in disarray. Its effect will definitely reverberate across the country and the armed rebels would be encouraged to enhance their activities from Ogaden to gambella, from Benishangul to Afar, and from Bale to Amhara. And in the final analysis, the beginning of the end of its regime would be in full swing. So this is the nightmarish scenario the PM is bearing in mind, when he talks about the failing policies.

This is the paradox Woyane is forced to grapple with; a destabilizer turned destabilized. In my opinion, that is what the PM meant by the failure of its regime`s destabilizing policies against Eritrea. Typically, any government like Woyane who has lost the hearts and minds of his people, would try to save his skin by negotiating with the external powers it would love to blame for its predicament. According to this conventional wisdom, one expect Woyane reaching out for a rapprochement with the Eritrean government. That is exactly what the Siad Barre government did with Ethiopia under Derg. But, Woyane being such a strange and unpredictable animal, it would be hard to read its mind. Knowing the psyche of Woyane, no one expects Woyane to take a pragmatic approach. But if does, it would look for resolving the outstanding issues regarding its evacuation of sovereign Eritrea`s territory and thereby opening the possibility of normalization between the two countries and while at the same time responding duly to the legitimate demands of the Ethiopian people. That would be the most rational decision to pursue after 20 years of disaster in the Horn. However, it sounds far fetched to expect that from Woyane, but who knows the heat it is feeling.

If Woyane decides to reach out for rapprochement with Eritrea, it should not come as a total surprise. It is a well documented fact that Woyane has been unceasingly calling for a negotiation with Eritrea and to that end pleading for the help of several intermediaries. This call for negotiation may be dismissed as a public relations exercise designed to deflect the criticism arising from its legally indefensible rejection of the final and binding ruling of the border commission. Or even if it means a serious offer, it will have it only on its own terms ; the socalled 5 points plan. Nevertheless, one can not fail to notice the sense of desperation or insecurity, when the PM cries in every opportunity making himself available to go to Asmara for talks. If the regime really feels secure and strong, it needn't do that. But it is not, while it knows only too well that Eritrea can influence what it is happening in Ethiopia. So, considering the prevailing worrying situation, the regime may find it necessary to mend its relationship with Eritrea, in order to save its regime. To this effect, it may withdraw the so called 5 point plan and agree to withdraw from Eritrean territories while at the same time calling for a parallel negotiation on agenda set by both parties. Just recently the Finnish were approached to enlist their help in this regard. If this request is confirmed, the woyane proposal indicates a complete departure from its previous position.

The second alternative is going to war. However, resorting to full scale war is not an easy undertaking for Woyane to make. It had already tried it in 1998-2000 and has seen it the hard way. The world could not imagine how disastrous the war was to Woyane with 123,000 dead and double that injured, (but the world keep repeating 70, 000 casualties on both sides). In the recent 2016 battle of Tsorona, Woyanes intruding army was beaten so hard that it was compelled to retreat in complete disarray leaving its dead and wounded as well as prisoners behind. Although Eritrea is under UN military embargo and other constraints, Eritrea is fully ready and capable to defend its border. If any one underestimates Eritrea`s strength, I am sure Woyane knows better. Woyane knows perfectly, that it is not by miracle that there is complete security across Eritrea including the borders areas, despite every destabilizing attempt it has made; which has now openly admitted as a failure. On the other hand, Woyane can not depend on a divided, demoralized and otherwise whose loyality questionable security forces. Unlike the war in 1998, this time there are also armed oppositions which threaten its rear base and that is strategically very damaging. So in balance going to war is not favourable to Woyane. It has no capability either for a clandestine air attack on strategic economic centers to harm Eritrea`s promising economic progress, although may appear attractive for its deniability of responsibility and evasion attention of the international community.

There is another important legal dimension of war that Woyane has to address before going to war. Eritrea is a sovereign, independent state and member of the UN as well as AU. According to international law, only in self-defence can one country declare war on another sovereign state. When Woyane unleashed its aggression in 1998, the convenient pretext was border dispute or rather being the victim of an Eritrean invasion. Now the border dispute is resolved by the 13th May 2002 ruling of the boundary commision, it has no legal issue against Eritrea. If anything, it is Eritrea that is legally entitled to use force to liberate its illegally occupied sovereign territories including Badme. That means Woyane would be hard-pressed to come up with a legal justification for declaring war on Eritrea; without discounting what Woyane is capable of as a pathological lier. Considering all these facts, it is very unlikely that Woyane would resort to war again. If it has the capability to do that, it could have done it long time ago. Not now, when Eritrea is in much stronger shape than the previous several years since the end of the the 1998-2000 war.

In conclusion, one can not help but notice that Woyane`s predicament is so bad, that it will do anything to save its regime from its probable downfall. As it has itself openly admitted, the long held policy of destabilization against Eritrea has not only failed completely, but the regime fears the influence of Eritrea in the trajectory of events in Ethiopia. But, its options are limited and none are prospective. The alternatives are either going to war or coming to terms with the decision of the border commission and be willing to handover sovereign Eritrea`s territories. If this is coupled with appropriately responding to the demands of the Ethiopian people, the regime can save its days. But, Woyane being such a regime that doesn't yield for rationality, the likelihood of such an outcome is very small. On the other hand, the ratcheting up of the confrontation to war level will not benefit the regime. Considering the prevailing uprisal by the people of Ethiopia, it is in a weaker position to execute effective war campaign against Eritrea and it won`t solve ist predicament. If anything, it would compound it. So, what would Woyane do to save its regime. One can predict rational decisions, but one can not predict irrational decisions based on misadventure or miscalculation. So, let`s wait and see what Woyane is up to.

By Asmait Fistumbrhan

Ever since what is considered the finding of 5 million years old fossil records in Buia, Eritrea has hosted various archeologists and professors. Today we bring to you an excerpt of the interview Prof. Ben Venito Martines Navarro did with Eri-Tv.

-A little about yourself……….

I am a Professor of Paleontology. I study the fossil fauna, and I have been studying fauna in different countries, especially in Africa. I started to work on the African fauna thirty years ago in countries such as Tanzania, Kenya, and Ethiopia, but I have been working in Eritrea for the last 15 years, which I believe is my most important research line to date. I am very grateful to have such a great opportunity to work here, because Eritrea, is a country which possess an early evidence of a more than 5 million years of fossil record, which makes it one of the places of the earliest evidences of human presence in the world.

-From your experiences in Eritrea, what conclusions have you reached in terms of its vast significance in archeology?

Well, I came to Eritrea in 2010 when I was invited. To study the fauna at the very famous site in Buia which is close to the site of Engel’ela, by one of the Italian team which was previously working here. Buia is a fantastic site, one of the sites to have the fossil records of one million years of age in the world. These are full of fauna and lithic. There, we had a very important finding of the earliest bull of the world, one million years old which is an interesting discovery. That specific discovery made Eritrea recognized as one of the countries of the evidence of early human presence. After the discovery was made, I was invited by several media to talk about the findings.

During 2011, one of the important things we did was to provide Eritrean archeologists to earn their Masters in Spain and other related advanced education regarding their fields. We came up with that idea to not only for the advancement of science but also to help Eritrea develop the scientific community. Even now, we want more people to study in Spanish universities and return to Eritrea and collaborate with the Archeological Department.

-It is not very accessible to go to Enge’ela. What has compelled you to make your frequent visits?

Though it is an area with very hot climate, however, our scientific interest is much bigger. If you want to be there and work, you also have to know that it is going to be very hard and accept it. Six years ago I was collaborating with the Italian team, I still am. But then again I thought that it would be better to develop a new project. I talked with the head of the National Museum Dr. Yosef Libsekal and we developed a new project with my colleagues and with other local archeologists. We had numerous fossils which we weren’t so sure of their age. But our biggest finding was in 2013. We found a very interesting fossil of a pig which was more than 5 million years of age. Again another fauna which was a million and half years older. That is when we thought that we might have a very good fossil records of millions of years. We also discovered numerous discoveries but we are still not sure of the ages. We are trying to find the earliest human existence in Eritrea which means at the same time the earliest humans in the world.

-Are you saying that early humans in Eritrea implies early humans in the world?
Yes.

-Having said that, let’s talk about the discoveries you have made so far?

Until now, we have done five filed seasons, which is only 50 days in the field. Now that we have the complete geological information of the place, we need to have numerical data on technologies. This last season, we took more than 50 samples to help us with the numerical data using different technologies. Nevertheless, the most important discovery we have had so far is that of the mandible that has a record of more than a million years old. We have also different places full of more lithic that looks very primitive. These are the earliest lithic artifacts in the world. We have also found interesting fossils of large mammals, hippos, buffaloes, of rhinos, horses, turtles, pigs, and crocodiles which means that the land scape has tremendously changed during the last millions of years.

-That means that there must have been very vast grass land and swamps?

Yes, now it is totally a desert. With so much relentless work done, we hope to have a very good understanding of what was going in those places. Developing hypotheses are very good, but you have to demonstrate whether they are right, or not. To prove if they are true or not, the use of technology us required.

-What about the level of cooperation that you have with the local experts?

The National Museum had several people working there, unfortunately there weren’t enough specialists on fossils and pre historic archeology. That is why it was so important for them to go to the universities I told you about. However, we had great support from the different institutions and authorities in Eritrea. I still think that Eritrea still needs to develop the scientific community to work on paleontological science but it is our obligation as people who are working here in Eritrea. To help the Eritrean people to develop the institutions and science. And we will try to do our best for this to happen.

-But you have home grown archeologist there helping you, how do you weigh their performances?

They are amazingly interested at what they do and to enhance their research and future carrier. This last season we brought numerous archeologists to work with us from the National Museum. They are hard workers and very intelligent people. Science is a very competitive model of life. In science you have to be the best. We need good people to work in science and I think that Eritrea has good hardworking people who are interested in science.

-These discoveries that you have made there, how best do you suppose of the mechanism that should be placed for its preservation?

Well the site is opened, but at the moment they don’t need a special protection. No one is destroying the sites, we are not in an urban area. There is no construction going on there, or not much population. If in the near future, We find very important finding, we are going to need a special protection, but not at the moment.

-Any message to other archeologists?

It is very easy as we have every collaboration from the local institutions. If we hadn’t had the support, for sure it would have been hard. By the way I want to thank all the Eritrean institutions and authorities for the opportunity. I have been here for almost 15 years and I want to stay working here for at least 15 years more.

-Finals words, Professor?

Eritrea has one of the most important heritages of the world to prove the earliest existence of humans. Once again I want to thank the Eritrean authorities for allowing us to work here, they didn’t just allow us to work but also helped extend our passion.

-It is a pleasure to have you here with us. Thank you for your time.

Thank you.

The election of Dr. Tedros as head of the WHO will add insult to injury to the Horn of Africa people

By F. A. Wondmagegn

I am very surprised to learn that my former boss and health minister Dr. Tedros adhanom is one of the three top contenders to lead the WHO. He was not my immediate boss, but I was hired and started working as public health officer, when he was the head of the Ethiopian ministry of health. He started the campaign Mainstreaming Hygiene and sanitation into preventive Health Care Programs. Simply the motto was “Let’s prevent communicable disease by washing our hands”. The campaign and the idea were great. However, access to clean water in Addis Ababa and the rest of Ethiopia at large, is still a huge challenge. Hence, the campaign was an exercise in futility. In this short article, I want to emphasis how Ethiopia’s preventative health care policy under Dr. Adhanom was simply marketing his political persona than benefiting the public.

After graduating with a degree, in public health, I was hired by one of the local community health care centers that are established primarily to provide preventative health care. These centers were mostly built during Dr. Tedros Adhanoms reign as health minister of Ethiopia. Even though he was a political appointee with no experience in health care, Dr.Tedros was lucky to have the international community pouring millions of dollars of donation to support the Ethiopian health care system from the AIDS and Malaria crises that engulfed the nation in the mid-90s.

Thousands of primary health care centers were built all over Ethiopia, and Addis Ababa particularly. Most of these buildings were built by contactors owned by the political party that Dr. Adhanom was representing. I will not go into the details of how these substandard two and three floor buildings were built to show how the government was investing in health care. The devil is in the detail. As a young health care practitioner with ambition to help the public, I was enthusiastic to give my best knowledge in to practice. The two-story building that housed about 25 health care providers, has no the bare necessities a health care office should have. In the very small room I was assigned to see patients, consumable health care items such as sterile gloves, paper exam gowns and covers for exam tables, cotton swabs, gauze, tongue depressors, alcohol prep pads, sample containers, chemical test strips, suturing equipment, syringes, disposable instruments, stethoscope, water sink, and restroom supplies were non-existent. This is a fact in most health care centers in Ethiopia.

Imagine, treating a patient with communicable disease and don’t have even a place to wash your hands. I am not trying to compare North American health centers to one in Ethiopia. However, what is the point of building substandard health care facilities with no or very limited equipments that will help you provide health care to the public. I do remember many nights that we used our smart phone flashlights to help delivering babies. Those of us, who openly crossed (what do you mean by cross) the absence of bare medical necessities were labeled as opposition sympathizer’s and passed for promotions or personal development courses.

According to an article posted on Addis Standard on September 27, 2016, Girma Gutema wrote Dr. Tedros left the Ethiopian health sector very much politicized and crippled, which must be yet depoliticized if it has to function properly. The more than 35,000 female health extension workers trained for six months and deployed across Ethiopia during his tenure, which many praises him for, are more of political cadres who are deployed in rural household families to serve the TPLF than helping health workers.” It is far-fetched to label all of us as political cadres. However, as a primary health care provider, my fellow health care workers and I felt as soldiers sent to a war without any guns.

Dr. Tedros is smart hiring marketing and public relation firms for publicizing his empty campaigns on various health issues. Wash your hand to prevent disease where water is scarce and building health care centers with no health care necessities. I have heard of cases where women were told to bring water during their child delivery. The alleged progresses in the health care sector for which Dr. Tedros was appreciated are only empty propaganda. The data are false and manipulated to fit into the agenda of the ruling party. I am a living witness of the poor status of the Ethiopian health care system.

The World Health Organization needs someone capable and knowledgeable about health care. I am against the election of Tedros Adhanom. If Tedros is elected, then WHO will be choosing impunity over accountability and incompetency over fitness. Dr. Tedros does not have the required knowledge and to lead WHO. In addition to being a Minister of Health, Dr. Tedros was serving as a Minister of Foreign Affairs of one of the most oppressive and repressive government in Africa. He is known for attempting to justify the human rights violations in Ethiopia. Putting at the top of WHO will only signify WHO’s endorsement of dictatorship.

The election of Dr. Tedros as head of the WHO will add insult to injury to the Ethiopian people who are being ruled by an iron fist by his political party, the Tigrai People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Dr Tedros, politically and ethnically belongs to the group of a few TPLF high-ranking individuals who reign Ethiopia with impunity. It will be a disgrace and a mere contempt to even consider Dr. Tedros for such a position that requires humanity, equity and concern for the weak and destitute. WHO, as a leading world health organization should not taint its image and reputation by inviting such a mean, cruel and shrewd individual to assume a powerful and sensitive occupation.

Dr. Tedros and his government should not be allowed to use WHO as a tool to disguise their true color and present them selves as conscientious citizens. It is morally and humanly wrong to appoint any individual for such position with a record of human rights violations and persecutions. The world needs great global state men and women. There is no place for ethnically narrow, repressive, oppressive and divisive individuals in our times. “One who can not clean his own back yard can not clean someone else’s.” Therefore, Dr. Tedros Adhanom should not be allowed to take any position in the WHO and representatives who vote in the election must not give their vote to Tedros Adhanom.

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